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1966 yil 13 yanvarda Nyu -York aholisiga efirda, meri Jon Lindsi shaharda tranzit ish tashlashi tugaganini e'lon qiladi. Lindsi vakolatining birinchi kunidan boshlangan ish tashlash 12 kun davom etdi.
Keyingi haftadagi tranzit ish tashlashini mutaxassislar imkoniyat deb atashadi
Ish tashlash kunining tugashiga bir haftadan kam vaqt qolganida, omillarning g'ayrioddiy birlashuvi Nyu -York va#27 tranzit ishchilarining o'tmish yigirma yildagi har qanday vaqtga qaraganda hozircha ko'proq harakatlanishiga olib keladi, deydi kasaba uyushmalari a'zolari va hukumat amaldorlari.
Bu mutaxassislarning aytishicha, metro va avtobuslarning ish tashlashi, garchi bu ehtimoldan yiroq bo'lsa ham, aniq imkoniyat bo'lib qolaveradi. Sovuq dekabrda, dam olish mavsumida, ish tashlash, deydi ular, shaharni kasaba uyushmasining so'nggi ish tashlashidan ko'ra ko'proq buzadi, 1980 yil aprel oyida 11 kunlik yurish.
Nyu -York shahri rasmiylarining aytishicha, yangi yil yaqinlashganda ularning eng katta qo'rquvi - bu 2000 yil kompyuteri muammolari emas, Yangi yil va#27 kunidagi olomon emas, balki shahar va kuniga 3,5 million tranzit yo'lovchiga ta'sir ko'rsatadigan ish tashlash. Shahar ma'murlari taksilarga bir nechta yo'l haqini olishga ruxsat berish va gavjum paytlarda katta yo'llarda transport oqimining yo'nalishini o'zgartirishni o'z ichiga oladigan 61 sahifali favqulodda vaziyatlar rejasini ishlab chiqdi.
Kecha ertalab muzokaralar qayta boshlanishidan oldin bergan intervyusida, 33,000 metro va avtobus ishchilaridan iborat kasaba uyushmasi prezidenti Villi Jeyms Nyu -York Siti tranzitining o'tgan oylik ish haqi taklifini "x27 'insult ' '" deb atadi va ish tashlash bilan tahdid qildi. .
' ɻu nuqtada yaxshi ko'rinmaydi, - dedi transport ishchilari kasaba uyushmasining 100 mahalliy prezidenti janob Jeyms. ' ɺgar ular haqiqatdan ham jiddiy bo'lishsa, ular oxirgi taklifidan yaxshiroq narsani o'ylab topganlari ma'qul, chunki agar ular buni qilmasalar, men nima bo'lishini oldindan ayta olmayman. ' '
Janob Jeyms va x27 -larning qattiq gaplari tranzit amaldorlarini qo'rqitishga qaratilgan, deb hisoblanishi mumkin, ammo uning ovozi uch yil oldingi muzokaralarga qaraganda ancha qattiqroq. Shahar va boshqa shahar kasaba uyushmalari, 300,000 ga yaqin ishchilarni, uni qattiq savdolashishga chaqirmoqda, chunki tranzit shartnomasi butun shahar va boshqa ishchilar uchun namuna bo'lishi mumkin.
Chiqish, tranzit xodimlari bilan shartnoma chorshanba kuni soat 12:01 da tugashi bilan boshlanishi mumkin, garchi Nyu -York shtati Teylor qonuni tranzit ishchilari va boshqa davlat xizmatchilarining ish tashlashlarini taqiqlasa.
1980 yilgi ish tashlash paytida, shaharda tiqilinch ko'p bo'lganida, kasaba uyushmasi qonunni buzgani uchun 1,25 million dollar jarimaga tortildi va shahar meri Edvard I. Koch Bruklin ko'prigi bo'ylab yurib, bahorgi ob -havodan foydalangan yo'lovchilarni olqishladi.
' ɺ ish tashlash 1980 yildagidan ham yomonroq bo'lar edi, - dedi Gen Rusoff, Strafangers kampaniyasi xodimlari advokati, tranzit haydovchilar guruhi. Bahorda Bruklin ko'prigi bo'ylab piyoda yurishning o'zi bir narsa, dekabr oyida esa ob -havo juda qattiq bo'lganda buni qilish boshqa narsa. Menimcha, ish tashlash ishchilar uchun og'ir qiyinchiliklarni anglatadi. Ba'zi odamlar o'z ishlariga kirish uchun haqiqiy jismoniy qiyinchiliklarga duch kelishadi. ' '
Kecha Metison prospekti va 44 -ko'chadagi Metropolitan Transport Authority 's shtab -kvartirasi oldida uyushtirilgan shiddatli, ammo tinch mitingda, politsiya hisob -kitoblariga ko'ra, 12000 tranzit ishchilari va ularning kasaba uyushmalari saxiy shartnoma tuzishdi. Bizga "Pulni ko'rsating" va "Y2K 15 dekabr" deb yozilgan belgilarni ko'tarib, ko'plab kasaba uyushmalari hushtak chalib, havo shoxlarini chalishdi va agar tranzit xodimlari qoniqarsiz taklif qilsalar, o'z ishlaridan ketishga tayyor ekanliklarini aytishdi.
Mehnat ekspertlarining aytishicha, ish tashlash ehtimoli muzokaralarning so'nggi raundlariga qaraganda ancha yuqori, chunki kasaba uyushmalarining ko'p a'zolari o'zlarining amaldagi shartnomalari haqida norozi bo'lishadi va janob Jeyms o'tgan yili uni deyarli mag'lubiyatga uchratgan muxolifatchi muxolifatning saylov qiyinchiliklariga duch kelishadi.
' ɺ ish tashlash, ehtimol, besh yoki 10 yil avvalgidan ko'ra ko'proq ehtimoldan yiroq, - dedi Nyu -York shahri mehnat harakati tarixi haqida kitob yozayotgan, Kvins kolleji professori Josh Freeman. Kasaba uyushmalari rahbariyati so'nggi yillardagidan ko'ra ko'proq jangari pozitsiyani egallab turibdi.
Janob Jeyms va kasaba uyushmalari, xuddi shahar va butun ishchilar harakati singari, yanada jangovar tus oldi, bu qisman A.F.L.-C.I.O. va uning prezidenti Jon J. Svini, otasi Nyu -York avtobus haydovchisi va Transport xodimlari kasaba uyushmasi a'zosi. Janob Svini janob Jeyms va kasaba uyushmasining asoschisi Maykl J. Quill haqida hurmatli ohangda gapiradi, u 1966 yil Yangi yil va#27 kunida boshlangan tranzit ish tashlashi uchun qamoqqa tashlangan.
Mehnat ekspertlarining aytishicha, ish tashlashga bir qancha omillar ta'sir qiladi, jumladan, katta jarimalar, jamoatchilikni begonalashtirish va shahar hokimi Rudolf V.Juliani bilan qilich kesish qo'rquvi. Shahar ishchilari ish tashlash qilganida jamoatchilik ko'pincha g'azablanadi va jazo sifatida stol ustidagi taklifni kamaytirish uchun bosim o'tkazadi.
Kecha o'tkazilgan brifingda janob Giuliani shunday dedi: "Bizda har qanday hodisalar uchun har qanday favqulodda vaziyat rejalari mavjud."
Uning so'zlariga ko'ra, shahar ish tashlashdan odamlarni ortiqcha qo'rqitmoqchi emas, lekin u ikki tomonga tunu kun savdolashishni taklif qilgan. Mehnat sardorlari va tranzit amaldorlari yakshanba kuni Grand Hyatt mehmonxonasida dam olish kuniga qadar uzluksiz muzokaralarni boshlashlari kerak.
Janob Jeyms Nyu-York Siti tranziti byudjet taqchilligidan shikoyat qilganda, kasaba uyushmasi va#x27sning hozirgi shartnomasini muhokama qildi va u birinchi yilda 3,2 foizga, ikkinchi yilda bir martalik to'lov va 3,75 foiz ish haqiga rozi bo'ldi uchinchi yilda.
Bu shartnoma kichik farq bilan ratifikatsiya qilindi va shahar iqtisodiyoti rivojlanib borayotgani sababli, ko'plab kasaba uyushmalari a'zolari bir martalik to'lovni olishdan ko'ra g'azablanishdi. Ko'pchilik o'zlarini aldangan deb hisoblaydilar, chunki ularning fikriga ko'ra, ular ish haqini oddiy darajada oshirishga rozi bo'lishdi, shundan keyingina, ko'p fiskal ekspertlarning fikriga ko'ra, tranzit agentligi keyingi yili 200 million dollardan ortiq profitsitga ega bo'lgan.
' Bizning ko'zlarimiz ko'r emas, quloqlarimiz kar emas, biz shaharning ahvoli yaxshiligini bilamiz va biz o'z adolatli to'lovimizni xohlaymiz. Agar men buni olish uchun kerak bo'lsa, men ish tashlashga qarshi emasman. ' '
Tranzit ishchilarining xafagarchiligi muzokaralarni murakkablashtirmoqda. Millionlab boshqa ishchilar singari, ular Uoll -strit gullab -yashnayotgan paytda, oylik maoshi bir necha foizga oshganidan g'azablanishadi, limuzinlar har bir burchakda ko'rinadi va shahar va millat har qachongidan ham ko'proq millionerlarga to'lib ketadi.
Janob Jeymsning aytishicha, u o'zining moslashuvchanligini ko'rsatish uchun o'z talablarini har uch yilda 9 foizga, yillik taklifni 10 foizga oshirgan. Uning so'zlariga ko'ra, tranzit idorasining so'nggi taklifi to'rt yil davomida ish haqining 9,25 foizga oshishi edi - u aytgan taklif, biz oxirgi shartnomada to'lovlarimizni to'laganimizni hisobga olgan holda, haqorat edi.
Bu raqamlarga qo'shilmay, M.T.A 's ijrochi direktori Mark V. Shou intervyusida Nyu -York Siti tranzitining so'nggi taklifi 12 foizga tushishini aytdi. Uning so'zlariga ko'ra, bu ko'rsatkich ish haqining 9,5 foizga oshishi va pensiya jamg'armasiga to'lanadigan har bir ishchining ish haqining 2,3 foizini o'z ichiga oladi.
' ɻu taklif adolatli va oqilona, ' ' janob Shou. ' 'Iflyatsiya bilan shug'ullanadi. Bu ularning pensiya masalalari bilan shug'ullanadi. Bu keng qamrovli taklif. Biz hech kimni snooker qilmoqchi emasmiz. ' '
Bir tranzit xodimining aytishicha, kasaba uyushmasi kelgusi yillarda o'z faoliyati uchun Nyu -York tranzit loyihalari tanqisligini kengaytiradigan real bo'lmagan talablarni qo'yayapti.
Tranzit amaldorlari ularning ortiqcha mablag'lari xayoliy ekanligini ta'kidlab, yo'l haqi daromadi ularning operatsion xarajatlarining 70 foizidan kamrog'ini qoplashini ta'kidlaydilar. Hukumatning boshqa pullari, shu jumladan sotishdan olinadigan daromadlar, Nyu -York tranziti byudjetini qora qilib qo'ydi.
' ' "Tranzit" ishchilari orasida shunday tushuncha bor: "Biz qiyin hisob -kitob qilishga rozi bo'ldik - dedi Strafangers kampaniyasining janob Rusoff.
Nyu -York transportining qisqacha tarixi
1693 - Birinchi ko'prik
Shahardagi birinchi ko'prik, King's Bridge Manxetten va hozirgi Bronksni bog'laydi. U 1917 yilda buzilgan.
1811 - Parom xizmati
Nyu -Jersi va Vesi ko'chalari o'rtasida dunyodagi birinchi tijorat boshqariladigan paroli bo'lgan Juliana parvozi boshlanadi.
1811 - Ko'cha rejasi
Nyu -York shtati qonun chiqaruvchi organi Nyu -York shahrining tarmoq rejasini taqdim etadi, uning ko'chalarini to'rtburchaklar shaklga ajratadi. Dizayn shaharda transportni rejalashtirish uchun asos bo'lib kelgan.
1825 - G'arb bilan bog'lanish
Erie kanali qurib bitkazilib, Nyu -York shahri Amerikaning birinchi portiga aylandi.
1832 - Birinchi temir yo'l
Nyu -York va Harlem Railroad kompaniyalariga tegishli Nyu -Yorkdagi birinchi temir yo'l tizimi Union Square va 23 -Street o'rtasida taxminan to'qqizta blokda ishlay boshlaydi.
1870 - Yerdan yuqorida
Shahardagi birinchi yuqori temir yo'l muntazam ravishda Grinvich ko'chasi va 9 -avenyu bo'ylab harakatlana boshlaydi. U 50 yildan keyin metro orqali ishdan bo'shatiladi.
1871 - Yangi bekat
Grand Central Depo, hozir Grand Central Terminal sifatida tanilgan, 1871 yilda Nyu -York shahrining temir yo'l harakati uchun qurilgan.
1874 - Nyu -Jersiga havola
Polkovnik Devit Xaskins Hoboken va Quyi Manxettenni bog'laydigan Gudson ostidagi birinchi tunnelning asosini ochdi. Taxminan 30 yildan keyin qurib bitkaziladi. Uning qismlari hali ham PATH temir yo'l tizimida ishlatiladi.
|Bruklin ko'prigidagi qurilish.|
24 may kuni Manxetten va Bruklinni bog'laydigan Sharqiy daryo ustidagi Bruklin ko'prigi ochiladi.
1890 - Ko'cha tranziti
Hayvonlar bilan ishlaydigan tramvaylar o'rnini bosadigan birinchi teleferiklar paydo bo'ladi.
1903 - Sharqiy daryo kesishishi
Sharqiy daryo orqali o'tadigan ko'priklarning eng kattasi bo'lgan Uilyamsburg ko'prigi qurib bitkazildi.
1904 - Birinchi metro
Manxettenda birinchi rasmiy metro tizimi ochiladi. Interboro tezkor tranziti dastlab 9,1 mil uzunlikdagi yo'lni va 28 ta stantsiyani va meriya va 145 -chi ko'chalarni qamrab oladi.
1905 - Avtobuslar boshlanadi
Amerikada benzin bilan ishlaydigan birinchi avtobuslar Beshinchi Avenyu bo'ylab harakatlana boshlaydi.
1905 - Sharq va G'arb
Manxetten ko'prigi qurib bitkazildi, Manxettenning Kanal ko'chasi va Bruklindagi Flatbush prospektini Sharq daryosi orqali bog'lab qo'ydi.
1907 - Bye, xayr batareya
Sekin harakatlanuvchi akkumulyatorli taksilar tezroq, gaz bilan ishlaydigan mashinalarga almashtiriladi.
1913 - Shahar tizimini yaratish
Nyu -York shahri Mustaqil tezkor tranzit kompaniyasi va Bruklindagi tezkor transport kompaniyasiga tegishli bo'lgan metro liniyalarining kengayishini ma'qulladi. 302 million dollarlik loyiha metro tizimiga 123 mil yo'l qo'shadi.
1916 - Vashingtondan yordam
1916 yildagi Federal Yo'l Qonuni shtat yo'llari loyihalarini federal moliyalashtirishning muntazam tizimini o'rnatadi. Bu shtatlarga, shu jumladan Nyu -Yorkka avtomobil yo'llari qurilishini moliyalashtirishni ta'minlaydigan barcha federal federal qonunlar uchun asosdir.
1919 - Qizil chiroq, yashil chiroq
Nyu -York shahri birinchi svetoforni Beshinchi prospekt va 42 -ko'chada o'rnatadi.
1921 - Qo'shma loyiha
Nyu -York va Nyu -Jersi shaharning ommaviy transport vositalarini yaxshilash uchun Nyu -York portini tashkil qiladi.
1924 - Bronx River Parkway
Bronx River Parkway - shahardagi birinchi zamonaviy yo'l.
1925 - Boshqa metro
Shahar meri Jon F. Xaylan shaharga qarashli Mustaqil Metro tizimini yaratishga ruxsat oldi.
1927 - Daryo ostida
Gollandiya tunneli ochilib, shahardagi avtotransportlar uchun birinchi suv osti tunneliga aylandi. Nyu -York va Nyu -Jersi birgalikda foydalanadigan qurilish loyihasi, tunnel Manxettenni Kanal ko'chasi va Jersi -Siti bilan bog'laydi.
1930 - Havo sayohati
Bruklindagi Barren orolidagi Bennet aeroporti qurib bitkazilib, shahardagi birinchi muntazam samolyot reysini qabul qildi.
|Jorj Vashington ko'prigi.|
Gudzon daryosi orqali Manxettenning yuqori qismi va Nyu -Jersini bog'laydigan Jorj Vashington ko'prigi ochiladi. Bu Nyu -Yorkdagi po'latdan yasalgan birinchi ko'prik.
1934 - Daryo bo'yida
East River Drive, hozirda FDR Drive deb nomlanmoqda, Batareyadan Manxettenning sharqiy chekkasi bo'ylab Triboro ko'prigigacha davom etadi.
1934 - Avtobuslarda buyurtma bering
Shahar meri Fiorello LaGuardiya er usti tranziti bo'yicha izchil siyosatni belgilaydi, ba'zi tramvay liniyalarini yo'q qiladi va xususiy avtobus kompaniyalariga franchayzing beradi.
1935 - Asosiy qurilish
Bronksdan Nyu -Yorkning yuqori qismigacha bo'lgan yo'lni kesib o'tadigan Deegan ekspress -magistralida qurilish boshlanadi.
1937 - Taksi medallari
La Guardia Xaas aktiga imzo chekib, shaharning taksilar uchun medalyonlar tizimini yoki rasmiy litsenziyalarini o'rnatdi. Medalyonlar 13,566 bilan cheklangan va har biri 10 dollar turadi.
1937 - Boshqa havola
Manxetten markazini Nyu -Jersi bilan Gudzon daryosi ostidan bog'laydigan Linkoln tunneli ochiladi.
1938 - Parkway kamari
Robert Mozis boshqargan ko'plab yo'llardan biri, Bruklin va Kvins atrofidagi bu magistral ochiladi.
1939 - La Guardia aerodromi
La Guardia aerodromi Queensda ochiladi va birinchi yilida kuniga 250 ta reysni amalga oshiradi.
1940 - Metroga o'tish
Shahar moliyaviy ahvolda bo'lgan Bruklin-Manxetten tranzit korporatsiyasi (BMT) va Interboro tezkor tranzit kompaniyasini (IRT) sotib olgani uchun metro tizimini o'z zimmasiga oladi.
1941 - Avtobus noroziligi
Kichik Adam Kleyton Pauell boshchiligidagi to'rt haftalik shahar bo'ylab boykotdan so'ng Nyu-Yorkdagi avtobus kompaniyalari qora tanli haydovchilarni yollashga rozi bo'lishdi.
1948 - Avtomobillar Odamlar emas
Bronks kesishgan avtomagistralda qurilish boshlanadi. Bunga yo'l ochish uchun Sharqiy Tremont va Morris Xaytsda 159 ta ko'p qavatli uy vayron bo'lgan va 1530 oila ko'chib ketishga majbur bo'lgan.
1948 - Bir davrning oxiri
Metro narxi 10 tsentga ko'tariladi, bu tizim 44 yil oldin ishga tushganidan buyon birinchi yo'l haqi.
|Idlewild aeroportida Alitalia DC-7 juftligi oldida "Fliteseer" tramvay.|
Idvild xalqaro aeroporti, keyinchalik Jon F. Kennedi nomidagi xalqaro aeroport, Kvins shahrida ochiladi. Bu dunyodagi eng gavjum yuk aeroportiga aylanadi.
1950 - Avtobus bekati
Port ma'muriyati avtovokzallari hamma uchun ochiq. U 1963 yilda va 1979 yilda yana kengaytirildi.
1950 - Yo'l harakati boshqarmasi
Shahar yo'l harakati boshqarmasini tashkil qilib, yo'l harakati nazorati politsiya bo'limidan oladi. Tez orada u bir qator dasturlarni, shu jumladan, ko'cha to'xtash joyining muqobil tomonini o'rnatadi.
1953 - Metroda yurish
Nyu -York shtati qonun chiqaruvchi organi Nyu -York tranzit idorasini shahar metrosi va avtobus tizimlarini boshqarish va boshqarish uchun tashkil qiladi.
1953 - Bu va token
Metro tokenlari 25 iyulda debyut qiladi, chunki metro narxi 10 sentdan 15 sentgacha ko'tariladi.
1956 - Yangi avtomobil yo'llari
"Davlatlararo avtomobil yo'llari to'g'risida" Federal qonun 41 ming millik davlatlararo avtomobil yo'llari tizimini qurishga ruxsat beradi, bunda federal hukumat xarajatning 90 foizini to'laydi. Nyu-York shahri bu qonunni Bronx-ekspres avtomobil yo'lining qurilishi kabi loyihalarda qo'llaydi.
1957 - Bir davrning oxiri
Oxirgi shahar tramvay liniyasi yo'q qilindi.
1962 - Shahar ichidagi temir yo'l
|PATH poyezdi Journal Square transport markazidan chiqadi.|
1964 - Staten oroli
Manxetten va Staten orolini bog'laydigan Verrazano-Darrow ko'prigi ochiladi. Ko'prikning yuqori pastki qismiga ulangan Staten oroli tezyurar yo'li ham tugadi. Buning uchun 400 ta bino buzilishi va 3500 ta aholining ko'chirilishi talab qilingan.
1967 - Sariq taksilar
Shahar barcha medalyon kabinalarini sariq rangga bo'yashni buyuradi.
1968 - Davlat nazorati
Nyu -York shtati qonun chiqaruvchi organi Nyu -York tranzitining ota -ona tashkilotiga aylangan Metropolitan transport idorasini yaratadi.
1971 - Narx siyosati
Nyu -York taksi va limuzin komissiyasi shaharning sariq kabinalarini litsenziyalash va tartibga solish uchun tuzilgan.
1977 - O'zgarish nazorati
Shahar transport boshqarmasi ko'chadagi operatsiyalarni, shu jumladan yo'l harakati nazorati va to'xtash qoidalarini o'z zimmasiga oladi.
1980 - Oson kirish
Nogironligi bo'lgan yo'lovchilar uchun birinchi nogironlar aravachasi shahar avtobuslarida paydo bo'ladi.
1989 - Vestveyning oxiri
Ko'p yillik tortishuvlardan so'ng, Grinvich qishlog'i aholisi, ekologlar va boshqalar, nihoyat, Manxettendagi Gudzon daryosi bo'yidagi magistral yo'l - Vestveyni qurish rejasini mag'lub etishdi.
1990 - Qulay shahar
Nogironligi bor amerikaliklar to'g'risidagi qonunga binoan nogironlar uchun jamoat transportidan foydalanish imkoniyati mavjud. Faollar 2002 yilda shaharning barcha chekkalariga kirishni ta'minlash uchun qonunchilikdan foydalanadilar.
1993 - Aniq kamera
Shahar "Qizil chiroq" dasturini ishga tushiradi va avtomatik ravishda qizil chiroq yonib ketadigan transport vositalarining davlat raqamlarini suratga oladi.
1994 - Suring va boring
MTA MetroCards -ni taqdim etadi, Uoll -strit va Uaytxoll -strit metro bekatlarida ularni qabul qiladigan turniketlarni o'rnatadi.
1997 - MetroCard -ning paydo bo'lishi
Nyu -Yorkdagi barcha avtobus va metro bekatlari endi MetroCard -ni qabul qiladi.
2001 - 11 sentyabr
11 -sentabr kuni sodir etilgan terakt Jahon savdo markazini vayron qildi. IRT Broadway 1/9 xizmati Chambers ko'chasi va Janubiy feribot o'rtasida yopilgan. Saytga tutash yo'llar vayron bo'lgan.
2002 - MTA bo'linadi
MTA Nyu -York tranziti rasmiy ravishda MTA Subways va MTA Buses deb nomlangan ikkita alohida kompaniyaga bo'lingan.
2003 - Belgining o'limi
Nyu -York metrosi va avtobuslari tokenlarni qabul qilishni to'xtatadi, chunki MTA New York City Transit o'z avtobuslari va metrolarida chiptalarni 33 foizga 1,50 dollardan 2,00 dollargacha oshiradi. Bu shahar tarixidagi eng katta yarmarka o'sishi.
2003 - Tranzit markazi
Quyi Manxetten Rivojlanish Korporatsiyasi va boshqa agentliklar Jahon Trace Center saytida yangi transport markazini rejalashtirishni boshlaydilar.
Nyu -York shahrining 1968 yildagi axlat tashlashi: sanitariya xodimlari ketayotganidan keyin trotuarlarda axlat yig'iladi
Sud qaroriga qaramay, ular ishga qaytishdi, uyg'ongan Sanitariya boshqarmasi xodimlari kechagi yurishni tunga qadar davom ettirdilar. Bo'lim vakili to'xtash "deyarli 100%" samarali ekanligini aytdi.
Uning qo'shimcha qilishicha, "Yagona forma sanitariya uyushmasi" a'zolaridan hech biri beshta tuman bo'ylab bo'limning garajlariga kelmagan.
Odatda, soat 15 da 400 kishi ishga kelishi kerak edi. va bir soatdan keyin yana 1000. York va Birinchi Aves o'rtasidagi 87 -ko'chadagi bo'lim garajida, Manxettenning Sharqiy tomonidagi shtab -kvartirada, yuk mashinalari harakatlanmagan.
Yumurtalar va tuxumlar
Kasaba uyushmasi prezidenti Jon J. DeLury, kecha butun ertalab ishdan bo'shatilganini aytdi, shunda u ertalab qo'pol musht va tuxum uchirib, a'zolari g'azablangan edi.
Kafedra va uning jangchi ishchilari o'rtasidagi muzokaralar 19:40 da uzildi.
"Savdo -sotiq bilan bog'liq vaziyat yomonlashdi", - deydi kollektiv bitimlar idorasi direktori Arvid Anderson. Anderson va Hunter kolleji professori Uolter Eyzenberg vositachi hisoblanadi.
Buyruq Oliy sud sudyasi Semyuel A. Spiegel tomonidan korporatsiya maslahatchisi J. Li Rankin Teylor qonunini chaqirgandan keyin chiqarilgan.
Ertalab soat 7 da namoyishlar.
G'alati kun ertalab soat 7 da shahar hokimiyati binosi tashqarisida boshlandi, 7000 sanitariya xodimlari muzokaralarning borishi haqidagi hisobotni eshitish uchun yig'ilishdi. Ularning shartnomasi o'tgan yilning iyun oyida tugagan.
DeLury ularga har qanday ish tashlash uchun pochta orqali ovoz berish kerakligini aytganida, erkaklar sabrsiz va itoatsiz uni qichqirishdi va oldinga intilishdi.
Namoyishchilarni ushlab turish uchun yana barrikadalar o'rnatildi va politsiya chaqirildi.
"Hozir ur, hozir ur", deb baqirishdi, ular ovoz chiqaradigan yuk mashinasi ustidan kasaba uyushmalari rahbarlariga tashlandilar. Delury o'rgandi va tuxumlar mahalliy zobitlarning bir qismini sochib yubordi.
Kasaba uyushmasi etakchisi shahar meri Lindsi va shahar mehnat munosabatlari bo'yicha direktori Gerbert Xorbor bilan uchrashganda, g'azablangan odamlar shahar hokimiyati bog'idagi daraxtga osilgan DeLury tasvirini yoqib yuborishdi. Qo'g'irchoqqa "Jon - hozir ur, yoki o'tmishda qol" degan belgi yopishtirilgan.
Ko'rinishidan, xabarni olgan DeLury o'z a'zolarining oldiga qaytib, ularning "Bor, ket, ket!" Istagini qabul qilayotganini aytdi.
U 600 dollarlik yillik ish haqining oshishi, shanba kuni uchun yarim soat va yakshanba uchun ikki barobar, 10% tungi farq va bir yillik shartnoma kabi talablar ro'yxatini o'chirib tashladi.
Kasaba uyushmasi o'tgan yilning 1 iyulidan boshlab yiliga 600 dollarlik ish haqini oshirishni, bir yillik shartnoma, tungi ish uchun 10 foizlik farqni, shanba ishi uchun yarim yarim soatni va yakshanba ishi uchun ikki baravar ko'payishni talab qilmoqda.
Vositachilar yiliga 300 dollarni 1 iyulgacha, yana 100 dollarni 1 yanvargacha, o'tgan yilning 1 iyulidan boshlanadigan yakshanba ishi uchun ikki baravar ko'paytirishni, 15 oylik shartnoma va shaharning 2,5 foizini to'lashni taklif qilishdi. Ishchilar uning pensiyasini to'laydilar.
Yig'ilmagan yig'indilar piyoda yurishadi
Garchi birinchi sanada 10 ming sanitariya xodimining shaharga ta'siri unchalik katta bo'lmagan bo'lsa -da, kecha Nyu -York trotuarlarida to'lib toshgan axlat qutilari, agar mehnat nizosi tez orada hal qilinmasa, katta inqirozni oldindan ko'rishni taklif qildi.
Sanitariya boshqarmasi vakilining aytishicha, odatdagidek, muammoni engishga qodir bo'lmaganlar eng ko'p zarar ko'radi.
Turar joylar azob chekmoqda
Uning so'zlariga ko'ra, ahvol yoqish punktlari bo'lmagan va chiqindilarni saqlash uchun sharoitlar bo'lmagan turar -joy binolarida eng og'ir.
Manxettenning bir qancha joylarida o'tkazilgan tekshirish shuni ko'rsatdiki, qutilar va konteynerlar allaqachon to'ldirilgan va axlat yig'ilmasa yana bir kun shaharning oluklarida tonna axlat qoladi.
Nyu -York tranzit ish tashlashi, keyin va hozir
2005 yil 20 -dekabr va № 151 - 25 yil oldin tranzit ishchilari ishdan ketganda, Nyu -York hozirgigidan ancha farqli edi. 1980 yil aprelda jinoyatchilik eng yuqori darajaga ko'tarildi va ma'naviyat tarixiy eng past darajaga tushdi. Shahar hukumati o'n yillik moliyaviy inqirozdan qutulishga harakat qilganda, vandalizm, o't qo'yish va grafiti avj oldi.
"Iqtisodiyot va byudjet bugungi kunga qaraganda ancha yomon ahvolda edi", deydi mehnat tarixchisi, Nyu -York shahar universitetining aspiranturasi professori Joshua Freeman. O'sha paytda kasaba uyushmasi shahar moliyaviy qiyinchiliklar davrida ish haqining kamayganini qoplash uchun ish tashlash o'tkazdi.
Hatto metro tizimining o'zi ham eng past darajaga tushib ketdi, dedi Mark Faynman, www.nycsubway.org saytining muxlisi, metro muxlislari uchun veb -sayt.
"Metro tizimi dahshatli holatda edi", dedi Feinman. "Buzilishlar tez -tez uchrab turardi. Xavfsizlik haqida qayg'urish kerak edi. 4 -raqam muggerlar ekspressi sifatida tanilgan. Nyu -Yorkliklarning ko'pchiligi metroda emas, balki boshqa transport vositalarini qidirishgan".
Ko'p narsa o'zgardi. Bugungi kunda 7,7 million odam metro va avtobuslarga ishonib, kerakli kunga borishi kerak. Metropoliten tranzit boshqarmasi ma'lumotlariga ko'ra, Nyu -Yorkning markaziy biznes tumanida ishlaydigan har besh kishidan to'rttasi tigiz vaqtida avtobusga yoki metroga o'tirishadi. To'rt yil oldin 11 -sentabr terror xurujlari iqtisodiy va ruhiy zarar ko'rganiga qaramay, Nyu -York ulkan va'dalar davridan zavqlanishda davom etmoqda.
"Bu ish tashlash shaharda farovonlik hissi bo'lganida sodir bo'lmoqda va bu ishchilarning noroziligini keltirib chiqardi", dedi Freeman, "ular shaharda pul sarflashga ishonishadi".
- Yo'qolmang, hokim!
Transport xodimlari kasaba uyushmasi va MTA o'rtasidagi tanglik, bugun ertalab 1980 yilni eslatuvchi sahnaga olib keldi, chunki ko'p odamlar poyabzallarini poyabzal bilan bog'lab, Bruklin ko'prigi bo'ylab ishga kirishdi. Bu safar, ular oxirgi ish tashlash paytida bahorning sovuq kunlaridan farqli o'laroq, dekabr sovuqlari bilan kurashishlari kerak edi.
Ammo sobiq shahar meri Ed Koch, o'tmish tarixiga tayanib, uning fikricha, aholining ishdan chiqish sharoitida har qanday yo'l bilan ishga kirishishi uchun zarur bo'lgan hamma narsani qila oladi.
81 yoshli Koch, TWU shahar bilan muzokaralarni tugatgan ertalabni esladi va 11 kunlik ish tashlashni boshladi, bu Nyu-Yorkka kuniga taxminan 2 million dollar yo'qotilgan soliqlar va shahar xodimlari uchun qo'shimcha ish kuniga 1 million dollarga tushadi.
Hizzoner birinchi muddatiga atigi ikki yil bo'lgan edi va u politsiya komissari Bob MakGuayr bilan tongda favqulodda yig'ilish paytida derazadan qaraganini va Bruklin ko'prigidan o'tayotgan odamlarning dengizidan hayratda qolganini aniq eslaydi. .
"Men bu bizning najotimiz ekanligini tushundim", dedi u.
Rasm sarlavhalarga aylandi va ish tashlashning har kuni takrorlandi. Kochning aytishicha, u ko'prikning etagiga borganida, yuruvchilar uni "taslim bo'lmang, mer!" Uning fikricha, shahar 2005 yilda ham xuddi shunday barqarorlikni namoyon etadi.
Yigirma besh yil o'tgach, texnologiya shaharga mamlakatdagi eng yirik ommaviy transport tizimining muddatsiz yopilishini engishga yordam beradi. Mobil telefonlar va Internet ba'zi yo'lovchilarning uydan ishlashini ancha osonlashtiradi. Nyu -York shahar nazorat boshqarmasi ma'lumotlariga ko'ra, iqtisodiyot 1980 yildagidan ancha farq qiladi, ofis ish joylari ko'p va ishlab chiqarish ishlari kamroq. Bu ko'proq odamlarga telekommunikatsiyani tanlash imkoniyatini beradi.
Nyu -York shahrining uchinchi xiyobonidagi poezd liniyasining ko'tarilishi va pasayishi
Evropa mustamlakasi boshlanganidan buyon tovarlar va g'oyalar savdosi Nyu -York ko'rfazi atrofida farovonlik yaratdi. Sanoatlashtirish o'sish va kengayishni yanada kuchaytirdi, ba'zan eksponensial darajada. Aholining tarqalishi bilan odamlar ishlagan, ibodat qilgan va o'zlari yashaydigan joylardan uzoqda dam olishgan. Shunday qilib, jamoat transporti rivojlanib, cheksiz darajada o'sdi. 1832 yilda ot minadigan murabbiy paydo bo'ldi va ko'p o'tmay relslarda yuguradigan ot mashinasi keldi. Fuqarolar urushidan keyin ot-avtoulov tarmog'i millionga yaqinlashgan aholiga xizmat ko'rsatishga yaroqsiz bo'lib qoldi. Shahar rahbarlari tiqilinch ko'chalardan alohida va to'siqsiz transport vositasini qidirishdi.
Nyu -Yorkning tezkor tranzit tizimi 1863 yilda Londonda ochilgan dunyodagi birinchi temir yo'l emas edi. 1867 yilda tajriba chizig'idan boshlab, yuqori temir yo'l tizimi rivojlandi. 1876 yilga kelib, bitta yo'nalish Grinvich ko'chasi va To'qqizinchi xiyobon bo'ylab Batareya parkidan 59 -ko'chagacha o'tdi. Bug 'bilan ishlaydigan, kabel orqali ketadigan poezdlar 30 daqiqada yugurdi va 1876 yil 1 oktyabrda tugagan yili ikki milliondan ziyod yo'lovchi liniyaga chiqdi.
Nyu -York temir yo'l kompaniyasi 1878 yilda Harlem daryosining Uchinchi prospektida 129 -chi ko'chaga qadar chiziq qurdi, bir yil o'tgach, kompaniya To'qqizinchi Avenyu chizig'ini modernizatsiya qildi va Manxetten shimolidagi 155 -chi ko'chaga qadar uzaytirdi. Gilbert (1878 yildan keyin, Metropolitan) Elevated Company 1878 yilda Oltinchi prospektda 58 -chi ko'chaga qadar liniya qurdi va ochdi, 53 -ko'chadagi To'qqizinchi Avenyu liniyasi bilan aloqa o'rnatdi va 1880 yilga kelib Ikkinchi Avenyudagi liniyani tugatdi. 1879 yilda kompaniyalar birlashib, Manxetten temir yo'l kompaniyasini tashkil qilishdi. 1880 yilga kelib to'rtta baland chiziq Harlem daryosiga etib keldi.
1886 yil 1-oktabrda barcha yo'nalishlarda har doim besh sentlik yagona tarif joriy qilinganida, bu tizim ayniqsa mashhur bo'ldi: 1886 yil noyabr oyining birinchi haftasida to'rtta asosiy yo'nalish va 34 va 42-chi ko'chalarda 3.134.806 yo'lovchi tashildi. tarif 1948 yilgacha nikel bo'lib qoldi).
Uchinchi xiyobon chizig'i 1886 yilda shimolda Harlem daryosi bo'ylab qo'shilgan tumanga, keyinchalik Bronks deb nomlandi. Bronx okrugi tarixiy jamiyati tarixchisi Piter Derrikning ta'kidlashicha, bu rivojlanish o'sha paytdagi chekka hududni Manxettenda ishlagan odamlar joylashishiga yo'l ochib bergan, keyingi ikki o'n yillikda Bronks aholisi, asosan, Uchinchi Avenyu yo'lak bo'ylab, deyarli besh barobar ko'paygan. .
1900 yilga kelib, tezkor tranzit qurilish kompaniyasi elektr energiyasi bilan ishlaydigan metro liniyasi ustida ish boshladi. 1903 yilda, birinchi metro liniyasi ochilishidan bir yil oldin, hozirda Interborough Rapid Transit deb nomlangan kompaniya Manxetten temir yo'lining aktivlarini 999 yilga ijaraga berdi va shaharning tezkor tranziti ustidan monopoliyani ta'minladi.
Ayni paytda, immigratsiya avjiga chiqdi va aholi o'sishi to'xtovsiz davom etdi. 1900 -yillarning boshlarida Nyu -York haqiqatan ham jahon darajasidagi shaharga aylandi. Ko'tarilgan tizim bu o'sishni uzoqroq poezdlar, Ikkinchi, Uchinchi va To'qqizinchi Avenyu yuqori tezlikdagi yangi ekspress xizmatlari va 1917 yilda 59 -ko'cha ko'prigi ustidan Kvinsga kengaytirish bilan ta'minladi. 1920 yilga kelib, Manxettenning yuqori chiziqlaridagi sayohatlar tarixdagi eng yuqori darajaga yetdi.
Aynan o'sha paytda yuqori tizim qisqarishni boshladi, 1920 -yillarda qisqa shpallar yopildi. Qisman nikel tariflari tegmaganligi sababli, raqobatbardosh tranzit tizimlari eng yaxshi paytlarda ham moliyaviy qiyinchiliklarga duch kelishdi. Iqtisodiyotning o'zgarishi va rivojlanayotgan jamoat ehtiyojlari siyosatchilarni yuqori chiziqlarni olib tashlashga va ularning o'rnini metro bilan almashtirishga undadi.
1930 -yillarda bu kuchlar Buyuk Depressiya va Nyu -York shahridagi to'ntarish va shtat siyosati bilan birgalikda Manxettenning ko'tarilgan tizimini yo'q qildi. 1938 yil dekabrda Oltinchi Avenyu chizig'i 1939 yil aprelda yopildi va u butunlay buzib tashlandi. Uning o'rnini bosadigan metro 1940 yil dekabrda ochilgan.
Shu bilan birga, shahar tranzit tizimiga egalik huquqini birlashtirdi, unga ko'ra, hozircha IRTdan tashqari, metroda ishlaydigan boshqa ikkita kompaniya-Bruklin-Manxetten tranzit kompaniyasi (BMT) va Mustaqil metro tizimi (IND) bor edi. IND, nomiga qaramay shahar qurilgan va unga tegishli bo'lgan, 1932 yilda Sakkizinchi prospekt ostida metro ochgan va 1940 yil iyun oyida shahar IRTni sotib olgan va 155 -chi ko'chaning janubidagi To'qqizinchi Avenyu balandlik chizig'ini yopgan. 59 -ko'chaning shimolida. Ikkala yo'l ham 1941 yilda buzilgan. Ikkinchi Avenyu chizig'ining qolgan qismi 1942 yilda yo'q qilingan. Ikkinchi jahon urushi oxirigacha faqat Uchinchi Avenyu chizig'i saqlanib qolgan.
1949 yildan keyin butun mamlakat bo'ylab jamoat transportida sayohat kamayib ketdi, chunki odamlar tobora ko'proq transport vositasi sifatida foydalanishdi. Chavandozlik hatto ko'chalarda tiqilib qolgan, tranzit uchun qulay bo'lgan Nyu-York shahrida ham tushib ketdi, garchi u boshqa joylardagi kabi keskin bo'lmasa ham. 1951 yilda Nyu-York saylovchilari Ikkinchi Avenyu ostida to'rt yo'lli metro qurish uchun 500 million dollarlik obligatsiya chiqarishni ma'qulladilar. Biroq, rasmiylar pulni boshqa tranzit loyihalariga yo'naltirishdi va Ikkinchi Avenyu liniyasi qurilmay qoldi.
Shunga qaramay, shahar Sharqiy Yo'lda tezkor tranzit xizmatini cheklab qo'ydi. 1952 yil aprelda shaharning transport boshqarmasi Bronksning 149 -ko'chasidan janubdagi El Uchinchi Avenyuda soat 18:00 oralig'ida xizmatni bekor qildi. va 7:30 da, va umuman dam olish kunlari.
1954 yil boshida Nyu -York tranzit idorasi, NYCTA, transport kengashining o'rnini egalladi va uchinchi ko'chaning 149 -ko'chasidan janubga endi kerak emas degan xulosaga keldi. Taxminlarga ko'ra, Lexington prospekti metrosi va East Side avtobuslari Manxettendagi Uchinchi Avenyu chavandozlarini tashish uchun etarli imkoniyatlarga ega edi. Shahar manfaati uchun El yopiladi va buziladi. Operatsion va texnik xizmat ko'rsatish xarajatlari saqlanib qoladi va mulk qiymati oshadi. Skeptics questioned the wisdom of summarily displacing the 25,000,000 riders the Third Avenue El had carried in 1954. Some lawmakers tried to ensure that El service would not be eliminated until construction of the promised new subway began.
None of the efforts availed. On Thursday, May 12, 1955, shortly after 6 p.m., the last uptown train departed Chatham Square terminal, just north of City Hall. Lothar Stelter, who took these photographs, his wife, Josephine, and about 600 others were on that train. As the photographer recalled, “A policeman came through the six-car train and cut the [emergency brake] rip-cords so as to prevent someone from stopping the train en route. As the train headed northward, people, whole families, came out of bars and shops and, drinks in hand, toasted and waved the El good-bye.”
The El stood abandoned until August 1955 when demolition began. First the stations were dismantled, then the girders and diagonal supports. Finally the pillars were yanked from their foundations – and the El was gone. Some of the scrap was recycled for the third tube of the Lincoln Tunnel between Manhattan and New Jersey, then under construction. By February 1956, the demolition project was completed.
During the summer of 1955, the NYCTA began scrapping the rolling stock. In an open area near the Bronx River and 174th Street, the cars were doused with fuel and burned. The cars had been so well fireproofed that the contractor had to fill the doomed cars with debris to make flames hot enough to do the job.
With one exception, the Third Avenue El fleet was destroyed. Nor was the 1878 ironwork, stained glass or other ornamentation conserved in any comprehensive manner. The few relics lie in the collections of the odd souvenir hunter. After all, who in the 1950s cared for, as The New York Times said at the time, such “outdated” old stuff?
New York lost a well-functioning, if timeworn, transit resource that was in need of rehabilitation but not demolition when it took down the Third Avenue El. To this day, people who live or work on the East Side are forced onto the perennially overcrowded Lexington Avenue Subway, the only rapid transit line running the length of the east side of Manhattan, or crowded, often late buses. As for the four-track Second Avenue subway, promised nearly six decades ago, ground was broken for a two-track line in 1972, but construction abruptly halted in 1975 with the city’s fiscal crisis. The Transit Authority has since had to pay to maintain the three separate completed tunnel segments. The scaled-down project was revived 20 years later, with a two-track line planned from the Financial District to 125th Street. Construction commenced on the first short segment on the Upper East Side in April 2007.
The old Third Avenue is gone. The pawn brokers, antique shops, the bars, cigar stores, newsstands . . . and the El. Generations have passed and the mostly fond memories of that special place and its atmosphere persist. They are irreplaceable, all by the El.
In transit-first Bay Area, strikes shouldn't be legal
In many metropolitan areas, a prohibition on strikes by transit workers - similar to the constraints on police and firefighters - might seem excessive and unfair. After all, a transit strike in some cities can be a manageable inconvenience for most people and businesses.
It's different in the Bay Area.
This region did not just build Bay Area Rapid Transit and a web of bus and light-rail systems as an alternative to people driving in cars. It purposely designates public transportation kabi a desired way of life. It steers development toward transit-rich centers, and showers it with subsidies. It severely restricts parking in new housing and office complexes. This region, and indeed state law, aggressively discourages suburban housing tracts where cars are necessities.
Freeway capacities are intentionally suppressed because of the existence of mass transit. The $6 billion-plus new eastern span of the Bay Bridge did not include a single extra lane? Nima uchun? This region is supposed to be losing its asphalt dependence.
All of these policies are prudent in an age when global warming is the planet's premier challenge and creating livable density is the imperative for a region facing an unrelenting population growth that is straining its resources and capacity.
These are all worthy goals, based on sound principles.
1 of 11 Commuters wait to board a ferry going to the East Bay from the Port of San Francisco on Friday, Oct. 18, 2013. The Bart strike that went into place last night forced many Bay Area residents to find an alternate way of commuting. James Tensuan/SFC Show More Show Less
2 of 11 With the BART transit system on strike, traffic is backed up for blocks on Battery Street leading to an artery of the San Francisco-Oakland Bay Bridge during the evening commute Friday, Oct. 18, 2013, in San Francisco. San Francisco Bay Area rapid transit workers are on strike for the second time since July, scrambling the morning commute for hundreds of thousands of workers who were up before dawn to clog highways, swarm buses and shiver on ferry decks as they found alternative ways to the office. About 400,000 riders take BART every weekday on the nation's fifth-largest commuter rail system. (AP Photo/Eric Risberg) Eric Risberg/Associated Press Show More Show Less
4 of 11 Transit workers and supporters picket in solidarity at the Lake Merritt BART station in Oakland, CA Friday, October 18, 2013. Bay Area Transit workers went on strike shutting down train service after BART management and union leaders with Bay the Amalgamated Transit Union Local 1555 and the SEIU Local 1021failed to reach a contract agreement. Michael Short/The Chronicle Show More Show Less
5 of 11 A sign is poosted on the entrance to the Embarcadero BART station during the first day of the BART strike in San Francisco, Calif., Friday, Oct. 18, 2013. Nicole Fruge/The Chronicle Show More Show Less
7 of 11 The doors locked at the Lake Merritt BART station in Oakland, Calif. on Friday Oct. 18, 2012. After contract talks broke down between BART management and the unions, workers went on strike at 12 am Friday morning and BART train service has come to a stop system wide. Michael Macor/The Chronicle Show More Show Less
8 of 11
An angry passerby gestures to BART strike supporters at the Lake Merritt BART rally. Photo credit: Max Levenson Show More Show Less
10 of 11 Commuters walk and cycle across the Brooklyn Bridge in New York during a New York transit workers strike in 2005.
Dima Gavrysh/AP Show More Show Less
Yet all of these hard-fought, well-intentioned efforts become futile if BART or AC Transit - the pillars of a promise of a transit-first policy - become disabled by natural or human forces.
Suddenly, the very people who bought into this sustainable vision are left with no way to get from here to there.
They deserve assurances from the progressive politicians who are telling them they don't really need a car that policymakers will do everything within their power to ensure the trains and buses will run as promised.
They need to know that essential means essential.
The right of a transit-workers union to strike may be justifiable in some areas. In the Bay Area, where a transit-first policy guides all, the loss of BART or AC Transit (Muni strikes are illegal) is simply untenable. Other cities with no-transit-strike laws include New York, Chicago, Boston and Washington, D.C.
State Sen. Mark DeSaulnier, D-Concord, has been contemplating legislation that would ban strikes by transit workers in California. His effort has received a grassroots push from Steve Glazer, a Democrat and longtime confidant of Gov. Jerry Brown. Glazer, an Orinda councilman running for the state Assembly, has been passing out flyers at BART stations urging passengers to join the cause.
It's generally believed that no such antistrike law would go anywhere in a California Legislature so deeply beholden to public-employee unions. But the legislators who are rightly pushing for transit-oriented policies should ask themselves: What good are such efforts if people don't have absolute confidence in the availability of these systems when they need them to get to work, school, shopping or other activities?
Along those lines, state Senate Republican Leader Bob Huff, R-Diamond Bar (Los Angeles County), has been asking a very good question: What about that no-strike clause in the existing BART workers' contracts?
The unions' argument has been that such clauses expired with the end of the contracts this summer. But BART extended all the other elements of the contract - wage scales, benefits, job protections, work rules, etc. - while the two sides remained in negotiation. Is it really fair to taxpayers and riders to allow only some elements of the contract - those most favorable to workers - to extend past the deadline?
Huff has introduced SB423 to compel BART unions to honor the no-strike clause in their existing contracts.
"In addition to the economic hardship, a strike would mean that students and teachers may not be able to attend their classes, and public safety personnel could be impaired in their ability to provide protection around the Bay Area," Huff and other GOP legislators said in a recent letter to Brown.
In reality, Huff and his Republican colleagues have no chance of persuading the Democratic governor to call an emergency session to stop a BART strike.
But the unions should beware the public outrage. If the California Legislature won't act, it's not hard to imagine an initiative that would strip transit workers of their right to strike.
Californians need to decide whether mass transportation truly is essential to our communities. If it is, it must keep rolling by any means humanly possible.
The New York experience: When the Big Apple said, 'Enough!'
1966: The transit strike
A 12-day strike began on New Year's Day. It was the first strike against the New York City Transit Authority. The strike halted all subway and bus service in the city. The strike was a turning point for the mayoralty of John V. Lindsay, who had taken a tougher position on public-employee unions than his predecessor, Robert Wagner. The settlement raised wages from $3.18 to $4.14 an hour, plus pension benefits and other union gains.
1967: The backlash
The 1966 transit strike was a major rallying point behind the Taylor Law, named after labor researcher George W. Taylor, which severely curtailed the ability of public employees to strike in the state. It took effect on Sept. 1, 1967. It made work stoppages punishable with fines and jail time. Curiously, among the critics of the Taylor Law are antitax advocates who dislike the provisions that allow labor contracts to be extended indefinitely in the absence of new agreements.
2005: More transit labor strife
Millions of commuters were affected when a transit strike was called during the holiday season in open defiance of the Taylor Law. It lasted just two days but resulted in the jailing of a local labor president and a $2.5 million fine against the union.
End of First NYC Transit Strike - HISTORY
This article is available as a PDF leaflet to download and distribute
A group of top union officials in New York City played the key role in bringing about the abrupt end of the New York City transit strike, brokering a deal that leaves 34,000 subway and bus workers exposed to punishing financial penalties and the continued drive by their employer, the Metropolitan Transportation Authority (MTA), to extract far-reaching concessions.
This was the first shutdown of the nation’s largest mass transit system in 25 years. It expressed the enormous anger and willingness to sacrifice of this section of the working class, and demonstrated the immense social power it can wield. As a consequence, the strike won broad sympathy within the working population in New York City and beyond.
But among the official union leadership in the city, the walkout was viewed with hostility and fear. The union leaders were terrified that the transit workers’ struggle could get out of control and touch off the social powder keg that exists in the financial center of world capitalism—a city dominated by the social chasm between an elite of Wall Street multimillionaires and millions of struggling and impoverished workers.
The labor bureaucrats’ principal concern was that a successful strike by transit workers could inspire further eruptions of the class struggle. So they set out to sabotage and suppress the strike.
The New York Times spelled out the role played by the labor officialdom in an article published Friday, which carried the subhead, “The mayor and leaders of other unions were among those who helped get the two sides to bend.” The Vaqt reported that on Wednesday afternoon, a telephone conference call was organized between Roger Toussaint, president of Transport Workers Union Local 100, which represents the transit workers, and 40 leaders of other unions.
The Vaqt wrote that “according to people who participated, Mr. Toussaint showed his frustration as he sought a public showing of support.
“ ‘I don’t need anyone standing on the sidelines holding my coat,’ one person recalled him saying. ‘I need someone to take off their coats.’ ”
But no such support was forthcoming. During the two and a half days that the transit workers walked the picket lines, shutting down bus and subway service, not a single official of another union in the city came forward to give even verbal support for the strike.
This was under conditions in which the full power of the government was being mobilized to crush the transit workers. The state obtained an injunction under the anti-labor Taylor Law providing that the workers be fined two days’ pay for every day on the picket line. The financial losses from this penalty, combined with the loss of three days’ pay, will mean a cut of approximately $2,000 from the paycheck of the average transit worker. The injunction likewise provided for the jailing of top union officials, as well as, potentially, rank-and-file strikers themselves.
New York’s billionaire Republican Mayor Michael Bloomberg sought to impose his own sanctions. After denouncing the strikers as “thuggish,” he successfully argued in court for a $1 million-a-day fine—to be doubled for each additional day on strike—against the union. When the walkout ended, the city was in court seeking $25,000-a-day fines—also to be doubled daily—against each individual striker.
The corporate-controlled media went into overdrive in the attempt to whip up a lynch-mob atmosphere against the strikers, demanding that they be jailed and fired. Rupert Murdoch’s New York Post led the pack with diatribes that can only be described as fascistic.
On the last day of the strike, the Xabar, which had referred in a screaming front-page headline to the transit workers as “rats” the day before, and featured a picture of Toussaint with prison bars superimposed over his face on Thursday, published a column explicitly comparing the transit workers to the terrorists who flew planes into the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001.
“The terrorists made it their mission to kill the economy,” wrote Xabar columnist Andrea Peyser. “This brand of homegrown enemy pretends to have the city’s interest at heart, while it takes aim at the most vulnerable workers.”
Nothing could more clearly expose the real content of the US “global war on terrorism.” It is directed at any impediment to the US banks and corporations reaping profits—whether at home or abroad. And it is creating conditions for outlawing the struggles of the American working class.
Through all this, the union officials in New York remained silent, not so much as issuing a leaflet defending the transit workers, much less calling a public demonstration or bringing their own members out on strike in solidarity action. Not a single union official stood up to utter the simple words, “I support the transit workers strike.”
Their behavior was no different from that of the Transport Workers Union International, which publicly denounced the strike as illegal and unsanctioned, demanded that workers cross their own picket lines and scab, and sent its lawyers into court to argue on behalf of the city’s position that the union was acting against the law.
Left without any support, Toussaint, according to the Vaqt account, turned to two union bureaucrats—Bruce Raynor, the president of UNITE-HERE, and Mike Fishman, president of the building workers’ union, Service Employees International Union Local 32BJ, who had both supported Bloomberg in his $70 million campaign to buy a second term at City Hall—asking them to intercede with the mayor.
According to the newspaper, they convinced Bloomberg that Toussaint would help the MTA slash labor costs in health care and other areas if the authority would back away from its original demands for altering pensions for new-hires. Bloomberg apparently believed that enough could be taken out of transport workers’ hides in this fashion to warrant accepting Toussaint’s offer to call off the strike.
Nor were these the only union-connected protagonists in the deal. Acting on behalf of management was Barry Feinstein, a former Teamsters official who has held a seat on the MTA board since 1989. Feinstein briefly gained a reputation as a “militant” in the early 1970s when he ordered his members to raise the bridges leading into New York, paralyzing traffic, to oppose demands for concessions. He was subsequently thrown out of the Teamsters by court order after being charged with embezzling half a million for his personal use.
The Vaqt quoted the ex-bureaucrat turned millionaire as praising MTA chairman and billionaire real estate speculator Peter Kalikow for taking the hard line that provoked the strike.
“Many people thought that he wouldn’t be able to take the pressure, that he would fold, that he would do whatever had to be done to prevent a strike, that the MTA would avoid a strike at any cost,” Feinstein told the newspaper. “That didn’t happen.”
This then is the corrupt and reactionary lineup of current and former union officials who played the indispensable role in isolating and suppressing a strike that they opposed from the beginning.
But what about Toussaint? What did he expect when he called the strike? Apparently he harbored the utterly unfounded illusion that the other unions would come to his support, and that the Democratic politicians upon whom the TWU has lavished campaign contributions would provide the union with political cover. None of this happened, which was entirely predictable.
As for the result of the strike, the Wall Street Journal in its news pages offered a hardnosed assessment to its corporate readership. It wrote: “The fact that the Transport Workers Union Local 100 had to return to work without a contract or amnesty from massive fines showed the weakened hand of union officials. The fight shows how employers are willing to confront unions to seek concessions in pension and health care benefits, risking damaging strikes. The challenges facing a weakened labor movement, which is suffering from declining membership and often receives ambivalent support for its battles, are stark.”
For the 34,000 transit workers who took part in the walkout, as well as for millions more workers who supported their struggle, the New York City transit strike has been a strategic experience of immense importance.
What the strike has exposed, above all, is that the unions are absolutely useless as instruments of social struggle. Their role is to straitjacket the working class and organize defeats.
Without an independent political alternative and a social and economic program opposed to the drive by Wall Street to smash down all impediments to profit and wealth accumulation, it is impossible to wage a successful struggle.
It is not merely a matter of transit workers confronting New York State’s Taylor Law and its proscription against public employee strikes. Any serious struggle by any section of workers today immediately comes into conflict with the government, the two-party system and the whole array of judicial and police power employed to defend the interests of corporate America.
Why was the rest of the union bureaucracy opposed to the transit strike, and why was the Toussaint leadership of TWU Local 100 unwilling and unable to prosecute a successful struggle?
These are organizations that accept and defend the profit system. They collaborate with the employers to increase productivity at the expense of the workers, while subordinating their members politically to the ruling elite and its two-party system—principally through their support for the Democratic Party.
The assault on pensions and health care is being waged throughout the public and private sectors. The Bush administration is determined to dismantle Social Security and drastically curtail government-funded health benefits.
There is no questions that the social and class questions that emerged so powerfully in the transit workers’ strike will erupt again and again. Those like Bloomberg, Kalikow and their fellow billionaires and multimillionaires, who assume that they can continue using force and intimidation to suppress workers’ struggles and maintain the system of social inequality from which they have benefited, are mistaken.
They have profited immensely from the bankruptcy of the old trade union organizations of the working class, which have proven completely incapable of defending any of the gains won by past generations. But it is inevitable that new struggles by working people will arise, and, if armed politically, these struggles will be successful. Those who have enriched themselves through the steady destruction of the living standards and conditions of the working class majority in America and internationally will reap the whirlwind.
Only through a political struggle against big business as a whole and both of its parties—Democrats and Republicans alike—mobilizing the entire working class as an independent political force, can the basic interests of any section of workers be defended.
From the outset of the New York transit strike, the Socialist Equality Party and the World Socialist Web Site have sought to politically arm and prepare both transit workers and all those in New York and throughout the country who welcomed this renewal of social struggle in America.
It is now time to begin working through this experience politically. It is not viable to hope that one or another union will spontaneously make some kind of breakthrough. There is no way forward outside of the building of a new socialist leadership in the working class.
The central lesson of the transit strike is that the working class requires new forms of organization—above all, its own mass party to fight for social equality and the reorganization of economic life to meet the needs of the majority of the population, rather than to further the accumulation of vast personal fortunes.
This is what the Socialist Equality Party is fighting to achieve. For it to succeed, those who understand this need must make decisions and take action, above all by joining the SEP.
New York City Subway Timeline.
1968 March 1, The New York State Legislature creates the Metropolitan Transportation Authority to oversee transportation operations in 12 counties. The MTA becomes New York City Transit’s parent agency. (MTA 2013)
1969 July 1, NYC Transit introduces reduced-fare on buses and subways for senior citizens. (MTA 2013)
1970 Extensive graffiti first appears on subway cars and subway trains. (Reis 2009)
1975 September 2, Reduced-fare introduced for people with physical disabilities. (MTA 2013)
1980 April 1 The TWU calls its second subway strike, shutting down the New York Subway system for 11 days. (Reis 2009)
1981 The MTA receives $8.1 billion in funding to upgrade the New York Subway System. (Reis 2009)
1984 David Gunn takes over as president of the Transit Authority (TA) and begins the Clean Car graffiti cleanup campaign.
December 22 Bernard Goetz shoots four young men he says were threatening him on the subway (Reis 2009)
1989 The New York City Subway is declared graffiti-free. (Reis 2009).
Service begins to the 63 rd Street Extension’s three new stations: Lexington Avenue, Roosevelt Island (Manhattan) and 21 st Street (Long Island City, Queens). (MTA 2013)
1997 May 14, The entire subway system accepts MetroCard. (MTA 2013)
1998 July 4, First sales day for the Unlimited-Ride 7-Day MetroCard and the 30-Day MetroCard, which let customers take as many trips as they want for a fixed price. (MTA 2013)
1999 January 1, An unlimited-ride, 1-day MetroCard, the Fun Pass, is introduced. (MTA 2013)
2001 December 4, New Technology R143 subway cars enter service on the line. The R143 is considered the most advanced NYC subway car to date, featuring Communication-Based Train Control (CBTC). (MTA 2013)
2001 December 16, The 63 rd Street Tunnel Connector opens after more than seven-and-a-half years of work. The $645 million project completes a 1,500-foot link to the Queens Boulevard line, allowing a 20 percent increase in train service and the creation of a line between the 71 st Avenue station in Queens and the Second Avenue station in Manhattan. (MTA 2013)
2002 September 15, The 1,9 subway line reopens for service. Nearly 1,400 feet of infrastructure between Liberty and Barclay Streets caved in or filled with rubble when the World Trade Center collapsed the year before. The contractor and NYC Transit Inspection forces work around-the-clock, six to seven days a week, and finish two months ahead of schedule (MTA 2013)
2003 June 15, – The New York City Transit Authority (now called New York City Transit) began operating on this date 50 years ago, replacing New York City’s Board of Transportation as the agency in charge of all subway and elevated lines and city-owned bus and trolley lines. (MTA 2013)
2003 November 3, – Last day of service for R36 “redbird” subway cars. The cars were first rolled out for the 1964 New York World’s Fair. They received their nickname when they were overhauled in the 1980s and painted a bright red color. (MTA 2013)
2004 The New York Subway system celebrates its centennial.
2004 May 21 – The newly renovated Stillwell Avenue Terminal reopens and F, Q train service returns to Coney Island after a 21-month hiatus during construction. As part of preventive maintenance, engineers built an open-deck steel viaduct to reduce the risk of water-related structural damage. (MTA 2013)
2005 December 20 the TWU strikes for the third time, shutting down the New York Subway system for three days. (MTA 2013)
2006 August 17, – The R160 subway car begins test runs on the line. One particularly notable new feature is FIND, the Flexible Information and Notice Display. The FIND allows Transit personnel to update digital messages and maps easily, which means R160 cars can travel on different subway routes and dispatch new information. (MTA 2013)
2007 August 8 The New York Subway floods, stranding thousands of passengers. Construction on the 8.5-mile (13.6) Second Avenue Subway line begins again. (Reis 2009)
2008 December 22, – New R160 subway cars start service on the as part of a 1,662-car replacement rolling out on lettered lines to replace 45-year-old trains. (MTA 2013)
2010 June 3, – A solar thermal system, mounted on the rooftop of NYC Transit’s Coney Island Overhaul Shop and Maintenance Facility in Brooklyn, begins operations. The system heats hot water to wash subway cars by using solar energy. (MTA 2013)
2012 June 10, – Because of fully integrating Communications-Based Train Control on the L line, which provides the ability to run more trains each hour, New York City Transit adds 98 weekly round trips to the L train schedule. (MTA 2013)
2012 October 30 The giant storm Sandy wreaked havoc on the New York City subway system, flooding tunnels, garages and rail yards and paralyzing the nation’s largest mass-transit system for days. (Reuters 2012)
MTA. “New York City Transit – History and Chronology.” Mta.info. N.p., n.d. Web. 17 Mar. 2013.
Reis, Ronald A. “Chronology and Timeline.” The New York City Subway System. New York: Chelsea House, 2009. N. pag. Chop etish.
The 1980 Transit Strike
Negotiations failed to come up with an agreement, and The Strike was called. 34,000 members of Transport Workers Union Local 100 walked off their jobs during the early morning hours of April 1st, 1980. It was no April Fool's Joke. For every day of the strike, the Taylor Law would collect two days pay from each striking worker, and severe fines and penalties could still be levied. The Union could lose the right to automatically deduct its dues from workers' paychecks. 12 The initial offering by the MTA was 6% the first year and 6% the second year with no cost of living adjustment around midnight it was rejected. Talk then focused on 7% for the first year, 7% for the second year and a cost of living adjustment. That, too, was rejected. The mediators recommended 8% for the first year, 8% in the second year, and other items, but that, too, was not agreed upon. 13 The union was looking to make up lost ground from the 1976 settlement, reached during New York City's fiscal crisis, where increases were negligible. The City, on the other hand, just beginning to recover from the fiscal crisis, was thinking very conservatively and was not looking to give away the store as was done in the 1966 transit strike.
Mayor Koch did not want to get involved initially. His position was that Chairman Ravitch was the chief negotiator for the MTA, not him, and Koch would therefore keep himself a low profile in transit matters. Unlike the threatened strikes in 1998 and 2002, where City Hall was very noisy and threatened legal action and astronomical fines, it was relatively quiet in the early days of the 1980 strike.
How did the New York City subway and bus systems shut down in an orderly fashion once the strike was called? The last subway and bus runs were those that started before 12:01am. Once the subway or bus reached the end of its line, it would run light back to its home terminal. All manually operated signals would be forced to red by leaving towermen. An occasional rail polisher train would run each day of the strike to keep the rails shiny and deter vandalism.
Newspapers were filled with stories and pictures of the sea of humanity crossing the Brooklyn Bridge, with cheerleader Koch at the Manhattan end shouting "how'm I doin?". Primary roadways and river crossings were limited to two or three passengers per vehicle in the morning rush. Police Officers acted as car pool coordinators at tunnel crossings pedestrians who showed up were usually able to find room in someone else's car or truck for the trip into Manhattan. Your author recalls bicycling to high school in Brooklyn, marveling that the leisurely bike trip took about ½ hour, or half the time it normally took transferring between the B-5 (Kings Highway), B-68 (Coney Island Avenue) and B-35 (Church Avenue) buses to get to school.
The calendar also helped ease some of the crunch during the first few days of the strike. Schools were off it was the Passover / Easter break. LIRR employees also went out on strike, but then did an about face at the request of a Federal mediator and went back to work on Thursday April 3rd. 14 The Port Authority -- Trans Hudson (PATH) lines and Conrail (now today's Metro-North) offered additional services to accommodate additional passengers during the strike. The Long Island Railroad was unable to handle the additional capacity required to accommodate displaced Queens subway riders, and ended up closing its Queens stations, as well as several in Brooklyn, for the duration of the strike. The Staten Island Rapid Transit continued running during the strike, and Brooklyn riders drove to SIRT stations, and took the SIRT to the Staten Island Ferry to get to work. The strike cost the city about $2 million a day in lost taxes and another $1 million a day in overtime expenses for city employees. The private sector was losing $100 million daily, and job absenteeism hovered between 15% and 20%. 15
The strike was finally settled on April 11th. The TWU won a contract calling for a 9% raise in the first year and 8% in the second year along with a cost of living adjustment (expected to be at about 20%). The TA obtained some minor givebacks. The City was not pleased with the settlement, calling it too expensive.
To offset the new labor agreement, and to make up for a huge operating deficit, the subway fare was raised to 60 cents on July 1st, 1980. However, in the first weeks of the increase, if you were able to get your hands on the Russian three-kopek coin (worth about a nickel in 1980), you could use it to go through turnstiles and save 55 cents! 16