Xitoy imtihon hujayralari

Xitoy imtihon hujayralari


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Nomzodlarni tanlashning birinchi standartlashtirilgan usuli Vey davrida (220-265) joriy qilingan. Bu to'qqiz darajali tanlov usuli edi (jiupin zhongzheng zhi 九品中正 制). Hamma idoralarga ma'lum daraja berildi, bittasi eng yuqori, to'qqiztasi eng pasti. Xuddi shunday, imperiya tarkibidagi barcha muhim oilalar "axloqiy" mezonlarga ko'ra to'qqiz darajadan biriga joylashtirilgan. Shunday qilib, ularning o'g'illari bir xil darajadagi rasmiy lavozimga ega bo'lishdi. Haqiqatan ham, tizim hukmron edi va, albatta, o'z darajalarini iloji boricha ko'tarish uchun hamma narsani qilgan kuchli oilalar ham ta'sir ko'rsatdi. "Yuqori lavozimlarda kamtarin odam topilmasligi kerak edi va hech qanday taniqli oiladan past martabali amaldorlar tug'ilmaydi" degan so'z bor edi.shangpin wu hanmen, xiapin wu shizu 無 寒門 , 下品 無 無 族).

Bu tizim Janubiy sulolalar davrida ham davom etgan (420

589), Xitoyning shimolida oilaviy ma'lumot kamroq ahamiyat kasb etdi. Shimoliy sulolalar 38 (386-581), oilaning "tozaligidan" qat'i nazar, o'z xodimlarini mahorat va malakasi bo'yicha tanlab olishdi (xuan wu qing zhuo 選 無 清濁). Sui sulolasi 58 (581-618) birinchi o'n yilliklarda Xitoy ma'muriy tizimini tanlash uchun ko'proq tanlovchilar bo'lishi uchun tavsiyanomalar tizimini ilgari surdi, lekin ular to'qqiz darajali tizim bo'yicha tayinlovchilarni bekor qilishdi. tanlashning boshqa usulini saqlab qolish, ya'ni "klassitsistlar" ni tekshirish (mingjing ke 明 經 科) va "tarbiyalangan iste'dodlar" (xiucai ke 秀才 科). Klassikistlar Konfutsiy klassikasining bir yoki bir nechta mutaxassilari bo'lgan va ular matnlarni yod bilganliklari tekshirilgan. Imtihon nisbatan oson bo'lgani uchun, ular rasmiylik ierarxiyasida nisbatan past lavozimlarga tayinlanishdi. Sui sulolasi imperatori Yang 隋煬帝 (604-617-yillar) bu ikkisiga "taqdim etilgan olimlar" tekshiruvini qo'shdi (jinshi ke 進 士科). Bu uch turdagi imtihon, o'nta maydon bilan (ke Scholarship) "stipendiya" (ya'ni imtihon rejimlari), faqat 1905 yilda bekor qilingan mashhur ekspertiza tizimining mikroblari edi.keju 科舉) va imtihon (kaoshi 考試) bitta tizimda ochilgan (keju kaoshi 科舉 考試). Xitoy madaniyati ta'sirida bo'lgan davlatlar, masalan, Koreya yoki Vetnam, imtihon tizimiga taqlid qilishgan.


Inson-maymun gibrid embrioni Qo'shma Xitoy-AQSh tomonidan yaratilgan. Olimlar jamoasi

AQSh, Xitoy va boshqa mamlakatlardan kelgan olimlar guruhi tarixda birinchi marta odam va maymun hujayralari aralashmasi bo'lgan embrionlarni ishlab chiqdi.

Embrionlar payshanba kuni Cell ilmiy jurnalida batafsil bayon qilingan bo'lib, olimlar transplantatsiyaga muhtoj odamlar uchun organlar ishlab chiqarishning yangi usullarini kashf qilishlari uchun yaratilgan.

Tadqiqotchilar makak maymunlarining embrionlariga odamlardan induktsiyalangan pluripotent ildiz hujayralari (yoki ISP hujayralari) deb nomlanuvchi 25 ta ildiz hujayrasini kiritdilar. Keyin olimlar aralash embrionlarni 20 kungacha sinov naychalarida o'stirib, hayvon va odam hujayralari bir -biri bilan qanday aloqa qilishini o'rganishdi.

Tadqiqot g'oyasi, maymunlar oxir -oqibat transplantatsiya uchun inson organlarini o'stira oladimi yoki yo'qligini aniqlashdir. Olimlar guruhiga ko'ra, har yili minglab odamlar bunday transplantatsiyani kutib o'lishadi.

So'nggi yillarda ba'zi olimlar qo'y va cho'chqa embrionlariga insonning ildiz hujayralarini kiritish orqali ular inson organlarini o'stirishga qodir bo'ladimi -yo'qmi, tajriba o'tkazmoqdalar. Biroq, NPR ma'lumotlariga ko'ra, bu tadqiqot hozirgacha muvaffaqiyatsiz bo'lgan.

Endi olimlar jamoasi maymunlar bilan tajriba o'tkazishni tanladilar, chunki ular genetik jihatdan odamlar bilan chambarchas bog'liq. Tadqiqotchilar xabar berishicha, bir kundan so'ng ular in'ektsiya qilingan embrionlarning 132 tasida o'sayotgan inson hujayralarini aniqlay olishgan.

Shunga qaramay, embrionlarning aksariyati 20 kunlik tajriba paytida vafot etgan va tirik qolganlar faqat 4-7 foiz odam hujayralarini saqlab qolgan. South China Morning Post. Shunga qaramay, olimlar tadqiqot bu turdagi tadqiqotlar uchun sezilarli yutuqlarni ko'rsatdi.

"Bu bilimlar bizga orqaga qaytishga va boshqa hayvonlarda inson hujayralarining to'g'ri rivojlanishiga imkon beradigan muvaffaqiyatli yo'llarni qayta qurishga urinishimizga imkon beradi",-deydi Xalk Karlos Izpisua Belmonte, Salk institutining gen ekspression laboratoriyasi professori. Bu haqda Kaliforniyaning La -Jolla shahridagi biologiya fanlari bo'yicha NPRga ma'lum qildi. "Biz juda xursandmiz."

Aralash turdagi embrionlarning bu turi sherlar, echkilar va ilonlarning bir qismi bo'lgan yunon mifologiyasidan olovli jonzot nomi bilan atalgan ximeralar deb nomlanadi.

Tadqiqotchilar bu ishni muhim yutuq deb hisoblasalar -da, boshqa olimlar bu tajriba axloqiy bo'lmagan bo'lishi mumkin degan xavotirlarni bildirishdi. Bir tashvish shundaki, kimdir oxir -oqibat bu tadqiqotni oldinga siljitib, aralash embriondan bolani yaratishga urinishi mumkin.

"Hech kim maymunlarning odam tuxumi va odam spermatozoidlari bilan aylanib yurishini xohlamaydi",-deydi Stenford universiteti bioetigi Xenk Grili, jurnalning o'sha sonida, tadqiqot yo'nalishini tanqid qilgan maqola yozgan. NPR ma'lumotlariga ko'ra, axloqiy jihatdan qilingan.

"Chunki, agar odam spermasi bo'lgan maymun, odam tuxumi bilan maymun bilan uchrashsa, hech kim maymun bachadonida odam embrioni bo'lishini xohlamaydi", deb qo'shib qo'ydi Grili.

Rays universiteti Beyker institutining fan va texnologiya bo'yicha xodimi Kirstin Metyuus matbuotga bergan intervyusida, agar inson hujayralari bunday aralash embrionning rivojlanayotgan miyasining bir qismiga aylansa, bu axloqiy muammoga aylanadi, deb aytdi.

"Odam sifatida tartibga solish kerakmi, chunki uning tarkibida inson hujayralarining katta qismi bor? Yoki xuddi hayvonlar kabi tartibga solinishi kerakmi? Yoki boshqa narsa?" - dedi Metyus. "Qachon siz o'ylay boshlagan va mantiqqa ega bo'lganingizda, biror narsani olib, uni a'zolar uchun ishlatasiz?"

"O'ylaymanki, jamoatchilik xavotirga tushadi va men ham nima qilishimiz yoki qilmasligimiz haqida to'g'ri gaplashmasdan, ilm -fan bilan oldinga intilamiz", dedi u.

Tadqiqotning bosh muallifi, Kunming fan va texnologiya universiteti xodimi Tan Tao, tadqiqotni "yomon ta'mli ish emas, balki [juda] amaliy ahamiyatga ega bo'lgan ish" ekanligini aytdi. Xabar.

"Bizning maqsadimiz - yangi organizm yoki yirtqich hayvon yaratish emas", dedi Belmonte NPRga. "Va biz bunday qilmayapmiz. Biz turli organizmlarning hujayralari bir -biri bilan qanday aloqa qilishini tushunishga harakat qilyapmiz."

Newsweek qo'shimcha izoh olish uchun tadqiqotning muallifi bilan bog'landi, biroq nashr etilgan vaqtni eshitmadi.


Xitoy imtihon hujayralari - tarix

Milliy kollejga kirish imtihoni yoki Gaokao tarixida 1977, 1978 va 1979 yillardagi darslar muhim bosqichning bir qismi bo'lgan.

Bosh vazir Li Ketsyan, marhum yozuvchi Van Syaobo, taniqli rejissyor Chjan Yimou va boshqa sohalardagi boshqa ko'plab nuroniylar universitetlar tomonidan qabul qilinib, dunyoga o'z nomini qo'yishdan oldin o'sha uch yilning birida imtihonga kelishdi.

Rasmiy ma'lumotlar shuni ko'rsatadiki, 1977 yilda Gaokaoga 5,7 million nomzod ro'yxatdan o'tgan va atigi 272,971 kishi qabul qilingan. Bu shuni anglatadiki, qabul darajasi rekord darajada past - 4.78 foiz.

Gaokao 1952 yilga borib taqaladi, shu paytgacha hukumat ta'lim tizimini takomillashtirishga o'zgartirishlar kiritish uchun kollejga standartlashtirilgan milliy imtihon topshirgan. Bu nomzodlarning ilmiy ish faoliyatini tekshirish uchun ishlatilgan va universitetlar test natijalariga ko'ra ularni ishga qabul qilgan.

Davlat byurokratiyasiga Xitoy bo'ylab nomzodlarni tanlab olish uchun o'tkazilgan oldingi imperiya imtihoni Qing sulolasida (1644-1911) tugagan edi. 1949 yilgacha universitetlarda kirish uchun individual testlar o'tkazilgan.

Siyosiy harakatlar keyinchalik imtihon tizimiga ta'sir ko'rsatdi. Bu kuchli siyosiy ma'lumotga ega bo'lgan talabalarga yoqdi.

"Madaniy inqilob" (1966-76) gaokaoni to'xtatdi, lekin 1977 yilda qayta tiklandi.

Yoshi yoki nomzodlarning kelib chiqishi cheklanmagan holda, buzilishdan aziyat chekkan yoshlar oliy ma'lumot olish imkoniyatlarini tezda anglab etdilar va yangi tizimni o'zlashtirishga shoshildilar.

Binobarin, bitta sinfda talabalarning yoshi keskin farq qilar, o'smirlikdan 30 -yilgacha. Ba'zilar sinfdoshlarining yarmidan kichik edi.

10 yil davomida tizimli ta'lim tizimi yo'qligi sababli, imtihon beruvchilar o'zlarining ilmiy darajalariga ishonchlari komil emas edi. Hech bo'lmaganda bitta nomzod to'g'ri javoblarsiz test varaqalarini topshirgani ma'lum edi, lekin hali ham jasoratli bo'lib, eng yuqori reytingdagi Pekin universitetiga hujjat topshirdi.

Gaokao qayta tiklanganidan keyin universitetga kirgan birinchi uchta sinf bitiruvchilari keyinchalik Xitoyning iqtisodiy yuksalishi va rivojlanishining asosini tashkil qilishdi.

Uchta seminal darslar odamlarning tasavvurini uyg'otishda davom etdi va uning o'quvchilari hayoti televidenie, kino va adabiyotda ko'plab moslashuvlarga turtki bo'ldi.


Sinovning o'zi: tuzilishi va boshqaruvi

Imtihon har yili 7 va 9 iyun kunlari o'tkaziladi va natijalar oy oxirigacha e'lon qilinadi. Test topshiruvchilar odatda o'rta maktab o'quvchilarining oxirgi yilida o'qishadi, lekin yosh cheklovlari yo'q.

Ushbu testlar o'tkaziladigan shaharlarda butun hudud ta'sirlanadi. Test topshiruvchilarga hech narsa xalaqit bermasligi uchun chora-tadbirlar ko'riladi, shu jumladan test markazlarining "500 metr ichida shovqinli qurilishini" taqiqlash va talabalarning o'z vaqtida kelishiga ishonch hosil qilish uchun barcha yo'l politsiyasini navbatchilik qilish. Yetib kelgach, talabalar o'ta qattiq xavfsizlik choralariga duch kelishadi. "Simsiz aldash qurilmalari" dan qo'rqish va "yollanma qurollar" ning keng tarqalishi yoki professional test topshiruvchilar test markazlarini barmoq izlari identifikatoridan foydalanishgacha borishga undadi. Ning fotosuratlari gaokao davom etayotgan imtihon, sinov markazlarida gavjum bo'lgan, abadiy talabalar dengizini ko'rsatadi.

Tuzilishi gaokao Odatda "3+X" deb ta'riflanadi. Uchtasi uchta kerakli fanga tegishli: xitoy tili, matematika va ingliz tili. "X" moslashuvchan tanlov komponentini bildiradi. "X" odatda fan fanlari (biologiya, kimyo va fizika kabi) yoki gumanitar fanlar (masalan, geografiya, tarix va siyosat) kombinatsiyasini o'z ichiga oladi. Har bir viloyat o'tirgan talabalar uchun mavjud bo'lgan "X" komponentlarini aniqlash uchun javobgardir. mahalliy imtihonlar uchun.


Xitoy qamoqxonasi ichida: Amerikalikning nuqtai nazari

Men Janubiy Karolina shtatining qamoqxonalari va qamoqxonalarida o'sganman. Mening bobom qamoqda tug'ilgan, uning otasi sherif bo'lib, homilador xotinini ishga olib kelgan. Otam okrug sudyasi, uning idorasi yonidagi qamoqxona - mening o'yin maydoncham edi. Mening birinchi ishim sudlar, advokatlar va mahbuslar o'rtasida ish olib borish edi. Kollejda sotsiologiyani o'rganib, men penologiyaga e'tibor qaratdim va o'z shtatimdagi ko'plab qamoqxonalarda bo'ldim. O'n besh yil o'qitgandan so'ng, men Osiyoda ishlash va sayohat qilish uchun stipendiya oldim. Men qamoqxonalarga bo'lgan qiziqishni davom ettirdim, chunki men dunyoni va Vetnamdagi & ldquoHanoi Hilton & rdquo va Kambodjadagi & ldquoS-21 & rdquo kabi eng mashhur qamoqxonalarni ziyorat qildim. Ammo, umrim davomida qamoqxonalarga qiziqib, men bir kun kelib Xitoy Xalq Respublikasining shafqatsiz, avtoritar majburiy mehnat lagerlari tizimida qamoqqa tashlanishimni xayolimga ham keltirmaganman.

2013 yil aprel oyidagi voqealar meni Janubiy Xitoyda sakkiz oy qamoqda saqlashga olib keldi, u erda men kuniga 10 soatgacha Rojdestvo chiroqlarini yig'dim. Avtobus bilan to'qnashuvdan so'ng boshim jiddiy jarohatlangan va men tush ko'rganday holatda Guangdong chet tillar universitetida o'qigan hamkasbimdan katta pul olganman. O'g'rilikdan so'ng, men darhol kasalxonaga yotqizildim, jamoat xavfsizligi byurosi (PSB) meni kasalxonadan tergovga olib keldi, shuning uchun menga davolanishdan bosh tortishdi.

Yarim tunda PSB meni Guanchjou shahridagi Oq bulutli tuman tergov hibsxonasiga olib ketdi, u erda men keyingi 280 kunni o'tkazaman. Men hayron bo'ldim va inkor etdim, chunki meni qayta ishlashdi, keyin uzun daryo yo'lakchasidan kameramga olib ketishdi. Yo'lak eshigini B218 kameraga ochganda, kattaligi bo'sh, mog'orlangan xona raketka maydoniga o'xshab qoldi. Meni ichkariga itarib yuborishganda, men dahshatga to'la edim. Yo'lak eshigi yopildi va & ldquoinner kamerasining yon eshigi ochildi, mahalliy asirlar meni uyga va ish joyiga ishora qilishdi.

Ichki kameraning o'lchami bir xil edi, lekin 30 mahbusni ushlab turardi, hammasi beton zaminda uxlardi. Adyol va yostiq yo'q edi va xona shunchalik gavjum ediki, ko'pchilik mahbuslar qo'llarini quchoqlagancha qo'llarini bir -biriga bog'lab, yonboshlarida uxlardilar. Orqa tomonda katta yoshli mahbus bor edi, u menga yotishim uchun joy ajratayotganini ko'rsatdi. Men hayratda qoldim va sarosimaga tushib, boshqa mahbuslarning boshiga, qo'llariga yoki tanasiga qadam bosishdan ehtiyot bo'lib, mushuk kabi kameradan o'tdim. Mening miya chayqalishim va majburiy surishtiruv kuni meni charchatib qo'ydi va uxlab qolibman.

Xitoy qamoqxonalarida, mahbuslar hibsga olingan birinchi kunida sharoitdan qat'i nazar ishlay boshlaydilar. Hibsga olinganda telefon qilish huquqi eshitilmagan va ko'pchilik qamoqda bo'lgan vaqt davomida tashqi dunyo bilan aloqada emas. Ko'pchilik bir necha oyga qamoqqa tashlanib, hech qachon rasman ayblanmagan, keyin sudga chiqmasdan qo'yib yuborilgan.

Har kuni ertalab soat 6:30 da hujayra etakchisi har bir kishini qo'llarini chayqab uyg'otib, navbatdagi kunni boshlashini aytdi. O'ttiz kishi tishlarini cho'tkalash uchun navbatda turishdi, shu bilan birga bizning yagona hojatxonamiz sifatida erdagi bitta teshikdan foydalanishdi. Yuvish va hojatxonadan keyin mahbuslar tiz cho'kib o'tirib, kommunistik shiorlar aytishdi va hibsga olish qoidalarini o'qishdi. O'qish tugagach, mahbuslar bir soatcha harbiy uslubda joyida turishardi. Kim ishtiyoq bilan qo'shiq aytmagan yoki yurgan bo'lsa, kaltak yoki boshqa jazo turlarini tez qabul qilgan.

Har bir kamerani bir qator mukofotlar va jazolar orqali ish ishlab chiqarishga undagan to'da boshqargan. Bitta etakchi bo'lsa-da, u bizni "leytenantlar", "rdquo & ndash" bilan o'rab oldi va biz rejimni tuzdik. & Rdquo Ish kvotalari berilgandan so'ng, mahbuslar devor bo'ylab tiz cho'kib, kun bo'yi tushlik qilish uchun ikkita o'n daqiqalik tanaffuslar qilishardi. Ertalab 11:00 va 16:00 kechki ovqat uchun. Hech qanday forma berilmagan, shuning uchun mahbuslarning ko'pchiligi ichki kiyimda o'tirishgan. Keyinchalik, dush paytida, men ko'p mahbuslarning uzoq vaqt beton to'shakda o'tirganidan keyin choyshablari borligini payqadim.

Ruhiy holatim, zarba va xira yorug'lik tufayli men hatto eng oddiy ish vazifalarini ham bajara olmadim. Chet ellik bo'lganim uchun va til muammosi tufayli rahbar menga bir oz bo'shashib qoldi, lekin mahalliy mahbuslar uchun kuniga 6000 yorug'lik kvotasidan kam bo'lgan narsa darhol jazoga tortiladi.

Ikkinchi kuni, bizning kameramiz qo'riqchisi meni tekshirish uchun keldi. Har qanday qamoqxona xodimi tashrif buyurganida, mahbuslar tovuqlari bilan cho'kib, qo'llarini boshlari orqasiga qulflab, biz qo'ng'iroq qilmagan edik. , lekin u bizning kameramizga qaytib kelganiga uch kun bo'lgan edi. Ba'zida biz 4-5 kun davomida qo'riqchini ko'rmagan bo'lardik, bu esa bizni rahbar va uning "nazorat vaqti" ning to'liq nazorati ostida qoldiradi. & Rdquo

Ish kuni davomida rejim qichqiradi va ldquoKuai-dian & rdquo (& ldquofaster & rdquo). Sekin -asta ishlab chiqarishdan tortib to tashqi ko'rinishiga qadar har qanday narsa boshga urish yoki qovurg'a tepishiga olib keladi. Agar sekin ishlab chiqarish davom etsa yoki mahbus qaytarib gapirsa, rejim ularni bir necha marta tepish, zarba berish va mushtlash uchun kameraning oldiga olib keladi.

Eng keng tarqalgan jazo-bu qo'lda o'ralgan ikkita sigaretning kunlik ratsionini ushlab turish edi. Agar bu ish ishlab chiqarishni ko'paytirmasa, mahbuslarning oziq -ovqat ratsioni ikki baravarga qisqartiriladi. Har bir taom bizni guruch, sholg'om va ozgina cho'chqa go'shti yog'i bilan to'ydirdi. Oziq -ovqat ratsionining kamayishi halokatli edi va men bir necha mahbusning skeletga o'xshab keta boshlaganini ko'rdim.

Keyingi muammolarni keltirib chiqargan yoki tuzatishni davom ettirgan mahbuslarni yanada qattiqroq jazo kutdi. Kamera tagida uchta buqa uzuk bor edi. Jang qilgan yoki isyon ko'targan mahbuslar 3 kundan 2 haftagacha 24/7 polga kishanlangan va zanjirband qilingan. Erga bog'lab qo'yilganida, boshqa mahbus hojatxona sifatida foydalanish uchun chelak olib kelishi kerak edi. Shuningdek, zanjirband qilingan holda, oziq -ovqat va suv miqdori kamaytirildi va ba'zi mahbuslar o'limga yaqin qoldi.

Eng yomon jazo kamdan -kam hollarda mahbus qo'riqchiga hurmatsizlik ko'rsatgan. Bunday mahbuslarni bo'sh kameraga yotqizishdi, polga zanjirband qilishdi, Rojdestvo chiroqlari bilan kaltaklashdi va 2 dan 3 kungacha karerada ovqatsiz qoldirishdi. Odatda, tamaki yo'qligi tahdidi mahbuslarni navbatga qo'yish uchun etarli edi va men qamoqda bo'lgan sakkiz oy mobaynida atigi uchta kaltaklanganini bilardim.

Amerikalik bo'lganim uchun meni eng qattiq jazodan qutqarishdi. Xalqaro shartnomaga ko'ra, AQSh konsulligi amerikalik hibsga olingandan keyin 72 soat ichida xabardor qilinadi. Konsullik mening oilam bilan bog'landi va men uchun har oyda bir marta advokatlik xizmatini yollashga muvaffaq bo'ldi, Konsullik xodimlari mening sog'ligim va xavfsizligimni tekshirish uchun kelishdi va yaqinlarim bilan muloqotni osonlashtirdilar. Bosh konsullik so'zlari bilan aytganda, ularning vazifasi men Xitoy qonunlariga muvofiq kafolatlangan huquqlar bilan ta'minlanganligini ta'minlash edi. & Rdquo Albatta, ular ularni AQSh qonunlariga rioya qilishga majburlay olmadilar. Afsuski, aksariyat hollarda qamoqxona ma'murlari mahalliy Xitoy mahbuslariga nisbatan o'z siyosatiga amal qilishmagan. Konsullik va rsquosning ishtiroki tufayli, qamoqxona "rando" usulini qo'lladi va meni kamdan -kam urishdi yoki jismonan yomon muomala qilishdi.

Boshqa chet elliklar, masalan, afrikaliklar, ba'zan bir yildan ortiq sud majlisisiz yoki tashqi muloqotsiz qolishdi. Xuddi shunday, ko'pchilik xitoylik mahbuslar tashqi dunyodan g'oyib bo'lishgan va oilalari o'lik yoki tirikligini bilishmagan. AQSh konsulligining ishtiroki tufayli men uch oy ichida birinchi sud majlisini o'tkazdim va unga psixiatrik tekshiruvdan o'tish huquqi berildi. Menga PBS va prokuror tomonidan tavsiya etilgan 3 yildan 4 yilgacha ozodlikdan mahrum qilish o'rniga ikkinchi sud majlisida hukm qilingan. AQSh konsulligi bo'lmaganida, bugun men hech qanday haq to'lamasdan Rojdestvo chiroqlarini yig'ardim va guruch, sholg'om va ozgina cho'chqa yog'ida tirik qolganimda beton zamin ustida uxlardim.

Men chet elda qamalgan bo'lsam -da, Amerika qamoqxonalarida vahshiyliklar bo'lsa ham, menga omon qolishimga va adolatli hukm chiqarishga yordam bergan inson huquqlariga bo'lgan Amerika e'tiboridir. Xitoy qamoqxonasi amaldorlari va soqchilari ba'zida AQShning amerikalik mahbuslarga bo'lgan munosabatini kuzatib, baholab, norozi bo'lishgan. Shu bilan birga, ular AQShning inson huquqlari borasidagi pozitsiyasi to'g'ri ekanligiga rozi bo'lishdi.

Men 2002 yilda sarguzasht uchun Amerikani tark etdim va men savdolashganimdan ham ko'proq narsani oldim. Men o'zimni achchiq his qilishdan bosh tortaman va Oq Bulut tumanidagi hibsxonadagi vaqtimni Amerika va Xitoy jazoni ijro etish tizimlarini o'rganish tajribasi sifatida ko'rishni tanlayman.

Styuart Foster 2013 yil dekabr oyida Xitoy qamoqxonasidan ozod qilindi, u bu boradagi tajribasini faqat qamoqxonadagi huquqiy yangiliklar uchun taqdim etdi.

Prison Legal News -ning raqamli obunachisi sifatida siz ushbu va boshqa premium kontent uchun to'liq matn va yuklanishlarga kirishingiz mumkin.


YUQORI ANALIZ

Jingyuan Nan - Schwegman Lundberg & amp Voessnerning Silikon vodiysi ofisida advokat. Uning amaliyoti kompyuter va dasturiy ta'minot bilan bog'liq intellektual mulk (IP) ishlariga, shu jumladan patent talabnomalarini tayyorlash va sudga tortishga qaratilgan (AQSh va xalqaro). U, shuningdek, firmaning China Practice Group a'zosi bo'lib, u AQSh va xalqaro mijozlarga Xitoyda IP masalalari va strategiyasi bo'yicha maslahat beradi.

Uning oldingi tajribasi IP -ni transchegaraviy litsenziyalash, IP -portfelini boshqarish, korporativ birlashish va sotib olish uchun IP -ni tekshirish, ma'lumotlarni maxfiyligini o'z ichiga oladi.

Aaron Vininger - katta advokat va Shvegmanning Xitoy intellektual mulk bo'yicha direktori. Aaron AQSh va Xitoy kompaniyalariga portfelni ishlab chiqish va patent olish uchun arizalarni tayyorlash va ofis harakatlariga javob berish bo'yicha maslahat beradi. U mijozlar bilan dasturiy ta'minot, tarmoqlar (simli va simsiz), lazer, tibbiy asboblar, yarimo'tkazgichlar va fizika sohalarida ishlagan.

Aaron Xitoy va AQSh savdo belgilarini javobgarlikka tortadi. U, shuningdek, kompyuter texnikasi va dasturiy ta'minotini o'z ichiga olgan keng ko'lamli sohalarda yuzlab AQSh va xalqaro patent talabnomalarini tayyorlagan va sudga bergan.


TEXNOLOGIYA TIZIMI DAVYOLARI

Davlat xizmatining imtihonlari Xitoy ma'muriy ierarxiyasining har bir darajasida o'tkazildi. Xitoy imperatorlik ma'muriyatining eng past darajasi okrug o'rni edi va okrug o'rindig'ida bir kishi dastlabki imtihonni topshirdi, agar u o'tgan bo'lsa, ikkinchi darajadagi imtihonga, ya'ni prefektura (tuman) o'rindig'ida. Uchinchi darajali imtihonlar viloyat kapitolida, to'rtinchi va eng yuqori darajadagi imtihonlar imperator saroyining o'zida o'tkazildi. Boshqa ko'plab funktsiyalardan tashqari, imperator aslida Xitoyning "o'qituvchisi" edi. Nazariy jihatdan, u saroy imtihonlarini o'tkazishi kerak edi, garchi amalda u o'z vakili sifatida kimnidir yuborgan.

Imperator saroy imtihonlarini eng yuqori darajada topshirganlar (jinshi) Xitoyning eng muhim kishilariga aylandi va shu maqsadga erishgandan so'ng, rossiyalik ta'limli sinfga aylandi va Xitoy byurokratiyasining muhim a'zolariga aylandi. Faqat viloyat darajasida o'tganlar (yuren) muhim viloyat elitasining bir qismiga aylandi va bu darajada ulkan hokimiyatni egalladi. Bu provinsiyalarning ko'pchiligi davlat xizmatiga chaqirilishi mumkin edi, lekin bu avtomatik emas edi. Faqat prefektor darajasida o'tganlar (xiucai) Xitoyda eng keng tarqalgan imperatorlik darajasiga ega edi. Bu daraja egalari o'z qishloqlari va shaharlarida etakchi lavozimlarni egallashdi, shuningdek, o'zlari muvaffaqiyat qozongan ta'lim tizimini saqlab, maktab o'qituvchilari bo'lishdi.


Xitoy va#039 ta'lim tizimi: dunyodagi eng keksa

Bu aql bovar qilmaydigan tuyulishi mumkin, lekin Xitoyning rasmiy ta'lim tizimi - dunyodagi eng qadimgi - qariyb ikki ming yil oldin tashkil etilgan. Hisob -kitoblarga ko'ra, Xitoyda imperiya ta'limi va imtihon tizimi Xan sulolasi (miloddan avvalgi 206 yildan eramizgacha 220) davrida tashkil topgan va Xitoy ta'limida hanuzgacha saqlanib qolgan meritokratik ideallarga asoslangan. Asrlar davomida Xitoyning kengayishi tufayli uning ta'lim tizimi mamlakatning talabalarning ilmiy salohiyatini o'lchashning eng samarali va adolatli usulini topishga bo'lgan ehtiyojini aks ettiradi.

Imperatorlik ta'limi an'analarining eng uzoq meroslaridan biri mashhurdir Gaokaoyoki milliy kollejga kirish imtihoni, bu talabaning universitetlarga o'qishga kirish huquqini belgilovchi yagona omil. Har yili 7 va 8 -iyun kunlari to'qqiz million talaba Gaokao -ni oladi. AQShda talabalar kollejiga arizada bir nechta elementlar mavjud, jumladan transkript, shaxsiy insholar, SAT/ACT ballari va Xitoyda tavsiyanomalar, Gaokaodagi talabaning ballari ularning universitetga kirish huquqini belgilaydigan yagona omil. . Ularning ballari qanchalik baland bo'lsa, ular shunchalik obro'li universitetga kira oladi. Bu juda stressli va qo'rqinchli bo'lib tuyulishi mumkin - haqiqatan ham, xitoylik o'rta maktab o'quvchilarining ko'pchiligi uchun Gaokao o'tgan o'n ikki yillik maktabning eng yuqori cho'qqisidir.

Imtihon topshirishdan oldin talabalar gumanitar fanlar va fan yo'nalishlarini tanlashlari kerak. Bu qaror odatda o'quvchining birinchi maktab yilida qabul qilinadi va xitoy tili, matematika va chet tilining uchta majburiy fanidan tashqari, ular Gaokaoda qaysi fan bo'yicha sinovdan o'tkazilishini aniqlaydi. Gaokao yiliga bir marta o'tkaziladi va bu butun dunyodagi eng yuqori bosim tekshiruvlaridan biriga aylanadi. Bu imtihonni yaxshi bajara olmaganlar bir nechta variantni tanlaydilar-ko'pchilik keyingi yilni imtihonni qayta topshirishga tayyorgarlik ko'rish uchun o'tkazadi, boshqalari esa past darajali ish topib, oliy ma'lumotdan voz kechishadi. birgalikda. Shunga qaramay, Gaokaoda ta'lim, muvaffaqiyat yoki muvaffaqiyatsizlik bilan taqdirlangan mamlakatda, inson umrining oxirigacha qanday yashashini hal qiluvchi eng muhim omil sifatida qaraladi.

Ammo xitoylik talabalar kollejga kirgandan keyin nima bo'ladi? Siz kutganingizdek, xitoylik talabalar Gaokao to'sig'ini engib o'tganliklarini hisobga olib, kollejga kirganlaridan keyin o'zlarini erkin his qilishadi. Endi ular darsdan tashqari mashg'ulotlarga qo'shilish, do'stlar bilan muloqot qilish yoki hatto ishqiy munosabatlar o'rnatish uchun ko'proq vaqtga ega. Xitoylik talabalar uchun, o'rta maktab, albatta, juda ko'p mehnat qilganidan so'ng, ta'lim tajribasining eng qo'pol qismi, ehtimol ular kollej yillarida biroz ko'proq erkinlik va zavq olishga loyiqdir!

So'nggi yigirma besh yil ichida Xitoyning oliy ta'lim statistikasi keskin oshdi. 1990 yilda 18 yoshdan 22 yoshgacha bo'lganlarning atigi to'rt foizi 2014 yilga kelib oliy ma'lumotga ega edi, bu raqam deyarli o'n barobarga oshib, 37,5 foizni tashkil etdi. Bu ta'lim bumi tez o'sib borayotgan o'rta sinf, iqtisodiy kengayish va hukumat siyosati kabi bir qancha omillarga bog'liq. 2016 yil holatiga ko'ra, taxminan 7 million xitoylik oliy ma'lumotli bitiruvchilar mehnat bozorida ish izlaydilar. Biroq, bu ta'lim bumining kamchiliklari ham bor. Hukumat yuqori darajadagi oliy o'quv yurtlariga ko'p e'tibor qaratgani va butun mamlakat bo'ylab mavjud bo'lgan ta'lim sifatidagi nomutanosiblikni yaratgani uchun tanqid qilindi.

Keling, hozirda dunyodagi eng katta oliy ta'lim tizimi bo'lgan Xitoyning universitet ta'lim tizimini batafsil ko'rib chiqaylik. Uzoq tarixga qaramay, Xitoyning hozirgi universitet tizimiga G'arb ta'lim an'analari kuchli ta'sir ko'rsatdi. Akademik bo'limlar, talablar va talabalar hayoti universitet ta'limining G'arb uslubiga asoslangan. Shunga qaramay, Xitoy universitetlari tizimi hanuzgacha Xitoy tarixi va iqtisodiy rivojlanishiga xos fazilatlarni o'z ichiga oladi. Misol uchun, Xitoyning eng yaxshi universitetlarining aksariyati hukumat tomonidan moliyalashtiriladigan davlat universitetlaridir. Xususiy universitetlar soni ko'paya boshladi, lekin ular aralash obro'ga va sifatga ega. Xitoy universitetlari ta'limining yana bir o'ziga xos jihati - bu ta'lim va ta'lim tajribasida. Xitoyda professor -o'qituvchilar tarixan juda hurmatga sazovor bo'lgan va shu kungacha talabalar o'z o'qituvchilarini katta hurmat qilishlari kerak. Bu, siz tasavvur qilganingizdek, Xitoy universitetlarida talabalar uchun juda boshqacha ta'lim tajribasini yaratadi.

Aslida, chet elliklar ham, xitoyliklar ham, Xitoy oliy o'quv yurtlarida o'qitish va o'qitishning sifati va usullari haqida tanqid va xavotirlar kuchayib bormoqda. Xitoy iqtisodiyotining ishlab chiqarish bosqichidan chiqib, o'zini dunyodagi eng muhim va qudratli iqtisodiyot sifatida namoyon etish istagi, Xitoyning Apple yoki Google -ni yaratish uchun innovatorlar va tadbirkorlarni qo'yib yuborishini ko'rish uchun kuchli istakni keltirib chiqardi. Shunga qaramay, ko'plab yosh xitoyliklar Xitoyda shunga o'xshash raqamlar yo'qligidan afsuslanishadi. Ular Xitoy uslubidagi ta'limni ijodkorlik va individuallikni bostiradi deb tanqid qiladilar. Xitoy maktablarida o'qitishning asosiy usuli - yoddan yod olish - ularning nazarida asosiy aybdor.

Jurnalda chop etilgan Xitoyda oliy ta'limning o'qitish sifati bo'yicha o'tkazilgan tadqiqotda Oliy ta'limda baholash va baholash, olimlarning aniqlashicha, ko'plab talabalar o'qituvchilar o'z o'quvchilarida mustaqil fikrlashni o'rgata olmayotgani va materialni "chuqur" tushunishga intilishdan farqli o'laroq, "sirtdan" yondashuvni birinchi o'ringa qo'yganidan shikoyat qilishgan. Xo'sh, nega bu xitoylik professorlar o'qitish usullarini o'zgartira olmaydi? Javob ilgari aytilgan Konfutsiy kontseptsiyasida bo'lishi mumkin - o'qituvchilar boshqalarni bilim va yaxshi hayot sari etaklay oladilar. Bu g'oya asrlar mobaynida shakllangan va distillangan bo'lsa -da, hali ham ko'plab xitoylik o'qituvchilarning ongida mavjud. Shunday qilib, ko'plab xitoylik o'qituvchilar va professorlar ma'ruza tarzida dars berishadi, talabalar bilan savollar yoki munozara uchun ko'p joy yoki vaqt ajratmaydilar. Talabalar hali ham o'qituvchilarini tinglab, ularga hurmat bilan munosabatda bo'lishlari kutilmoqda.

Xitoylik talabalar borgan sari ko'proq o'z ehtiyojlari va manfaatlarini hisobga olgan holda ta'lim olish imkoniyatlarini qidirmoqdalar. Aslida, ko'plab xitoylik talabalar chet el universitetlarida chet elda o'qishni afzal ko'rmoqdalar, ayniqsa AQSh bu talabalar uchun eng yaxshi joy. Bu talabalar nafaqat Xitoyning oliy o'quv yurtlariga kirish uchun qattiq raqobat tufayli o'chirib qo'yilgan, balki ular Amerika universitetlarining obro'si va obro'siga, shuningdek, Amerika ta'limining yaxlitroq o'qitish uslubiga jalb qilinishi mumkin. va seminar muhokamalari. Shuningdek, Xitoyning tez iqtisodiy o'sishi natijasida ko'plab Xitoy fuqarolari chet elda o'qish imkoniyatiga ega bo'lishdi. Shunday qilib, hozirda AQShda bakalavriat va aspiranturada tahsil olayotgan 300 mingdan ortiq xitoylik talabalar bor.

Shunga qaramay, Xitoy ta'lim tizimi hanuzgacha dunyodagi eng qattiq va hurmatli ta'lim tizimlaridan biri hisoblanadi. Millionlab yosh talabalar har kuni tinimsiz mehnat qiladilar va ta'lim - yaxshi hayotga oltin yo'l ekanligiga ishonishadi. G'arb globallashuvi va madaniyati to'qnashuvi kuchayib borayotgani sababli, Xitoy ta'lim tizimi o'z mamlakatidagi talabalarning ehtiyojlariga mos ravishda qanday qayta ko'rib chiqilishi mumkinligi borasida ba'zi ekzistentsial muammolarga duch kelmoqda.

Chelsi Shieh Kolumbiya universitetining katta kursi, Sharqiy Osiyo tillari va madaniyatiga bag'ishlangan antropologiya mutaxassisligi. U 2015 yilning kuzida Pekindagi Tsingxua universitetida chet elda o'qigan.

Manbalar
"Xitoyda ta'lim" Jahon ta'limi yangiliklari va sharhlar, 7 mart, 2016. Kirish 5 yanvar 2017.

Devid Metyu, "Xitoyning ilmiy orbitasini baholash", Xitoy uy xo'jaliklari moliya tadqiqotlari, 20 -mart, 2015. Kirish: 5 -yanvar, 2017.

Keyt Bradshir, "Keyingi Xitoyda ishlab chiqarilgan bum: kollej bitiruvchilari" The New York Times, 16 -yanvar, 2013. Kirish 5 -yanvar, 2017.

Tessa Vong, "Xitoy gaokao: milliy imtihon uchun yuqori baholar" BBC yangiliklari, 9 iyun, 2015. Kirish 5 yanvar 2017.


Nanoarxitektura fermenti: grafen bilan zirhlangan fermentlar

Paulina Bolibok. Marek Vinyevskiy, "Enzimologiyada usullar" da, 2018 yil

2.6 In Vitro Antioxidant Activity of Biocatalytic Systems

CHO cells could be used as a model to test the functionality and biological activity of obtained Cat/GO complexes, expressed as their antioxidant capacity in the in vitro model. The antioxidant capacity could be defined as the ability to improve viability of CHO cells exposed to ROS.

Twenty four hours before the experiment, seed 5 × 10 4 cells (in a volume of 25 μL) to each well of a 12-well culture plate.

After cell attachment (about 24 h), add the tested biocatalytic systems (Cat/GO complexes) to the growing CHO cells in concentrations of 250 ng mL − 1 and 2.5 μg mL − 1 together with 500 μM H2O2 or 100 μM tBuOOH and incubate for the next 24 h.

Use the MTT test to assess the viability of cells.


Is China’s gaokao the world’s toughest school exam?

F or two days in early June every year, China comes to a standstill as high school students who are about to graduate take their college entrance exams. Literally the “higher examination”, the gaokao is a national event on a par with a public holiday, but much less fun. Construction work is halted near examination halls, so as not to disturb the students, and traffic is diverted. Ambulances are on call outside in case of nervous collapses, and police cars patrol to keep the streets quiet. Radio talkshow hosts discuss the format and questions in painstaking detail, and when the results come out, the top scorers are feted nationally. A high or low mark determines life opportunities and earning potential. That score is the most important number of any Chinese child’s life, the culmination of years of schooling, memorisation and constant stress.

On 8 June, the final afternoon of this year’s gaokao, parents of exam takers at one school in Beijing were packed tight around the school gate, jostling to get to the front of the crowd where a white metal barrier held them back. Special security guards handed out water bottles and cheap paper fans, while another manned a first aid stand under a large parasol. Cars were parked all the way around the bend of the road leading to the gate, simmering in the summer heat. “They’re all here to pick up their kids,” a city police officer patiently explained to a driver struggling to find a space. A red banner above the barrier declared the school a “National unified gaokao examination point”. At the first sign of movement inside, the parents pushed in closer, craning their necks to spot their children emerging.

Shortly after 5pm, a student named Yuan Qi walked out clutching a clear pencil case and wearing a dazed expression. Around him, hundreds of exam-takers celebrated the end of their ordeal. Some clutched bouquets of flowers given to them by their parents others posed awkwardly for photographs. Yuan Qi’s father, an administrator in the People’s Liberation Army, was dressed in shorts and a polo neck. He had been at the front of the crowd, holding his phone up high to record the moment. But when his son came out, he greeted him silently and led him away from the hubbub to where his mother was waiting. She took his pencil case to stop him fidgeting with it. “Hard?” another parent asked Yuan Qi as they passed. “Depends which subject,” he replied. His father beamed with pride.

Yuan Qi is 18, thin and wiry, with blue half-rim spectacles, close-cropped hair and budding wisps on his upper lip. A student at Beijing 101 school, one of the capital’s most prestigious boarding schools, he is the nervous sort – constantly fiddling with stationery or picking at his fingers. He has a habit of rushing to the end of his sentences, slurring his words when excited, as if frustrated that telepathy is not an option. Ever since he was a young boy, growing up in Hebei, the province surrounding Beijing, Yuan Qi has had a talent for maths, science and problem solving. He loves reading murder mysteries, especially Agatha Christie novels in Chinese translation, which is how he came up with his English name – Hercule – although his moustache is yet to live up to it.

The first time a teacher of his mentioned the gaokao, Yuan Qi was in primary school. Used as a distant incentive for working hard, the word kept cropping up in school and at the dinner table until it dawned on him just how high the stakes were. While college entrance is competitive in any country, in China the top universities can select as few as one in 50,000 students. Competition is intense for white-collar jobs, with a graduate unemployment rate of about 16%, and which college a student goes to has an immediate impact on career and even marriage prospects. That placement is decided by a single factor: their three-digit gaokao score.

With so much to gain or lose, cheating is a big problem. Spy cameras, radio devices and earpieces that transmit questions and receive answers have been found hidden in jewellery, spectacles, wallets, pens, rulers and underwear. Most examination rooms install CCTV cameras, and some use metal detectors. Last year, police busted a syndicate in Jiangxi province, where professional exam-takers were charging parents up to a million yuan (£121,300) to pose as students. In Luoyang, a city in Henan province, examiners deployed a drone to hover above school buildings and scan for radio signals sent in or out. Fingerprint and iris-matching has been used to verify the identity of students. Exam papers are escorted to schools by security guards and monitored with GPS trackers, while the examiners who draft them are kept under close scrutiny in order to avoid leaks. This year, new regulations came into effect that could sentence cheats to up to seven years in prison.

Yuan Qi was quietly confident. In his mocks he was averaging in the 690s, out of a maximum of 750 – good enough to get into the capital’s elite universities. He had been cramming for 12 hours a day in the months leading up to the test, with extra classes at weekends. Since March, he had been operating on just six or seven hours sleep a night. Every possible step had been taken to maximise his chances of succeeding. The day before the first morning paper, his parents had rented a hotel room next to Tsinghua University middle school, where he would sit his papers, so that they could arrange his meals and attend to his every other need. By that point, Yuan Qi had spent so much time doing mock exams that he was totally inured to the real thing, which passed in a haze.

“It went about usual,” he told me as we walked back to his hotel, massaging his wrist. “Nothing out of the ordinary. Now I just want to go home and play some games.” Yuan Qi’s father was still recording videos of him, still grinning. “The exam is very nerve-racking, and each time when I was standing outside, before it began, I was terrified. But when you’re actually taking it it’s not so bad.” Now that the struggle was over, there was nothing he could do but wait for the result.

The gaokao is emblematic of the Chinese education system as a whole. In the west, it is often seen as monolithic and rote in China as tough but fair. In Europe and America, there is the notion that Chinese schools produce automatons incapable of critical thought in China, many seem to think that western classrooms are full of students standing on desks and ripping up textbooks, à la Dead Poets Society. Yet, where the Chinese model used to be roundly criticised for rewarding rote learning, now the system’s gruelling schedule and supposed high standards are increasingly admired overseas. Thomas Friedman, the New York Times columnist, has praised Shanghai’s school system with at times absurd hyperbole. (One column was fawningly titled “The Shanghai Secret”.) Last year, the BBC invited two Chinese teachers to take over a sixth-form class in the documentary Are Our Kids Tough Enough? (Spoiler: they weren’t, but nor were the teachers.)

In China there are no illusions about the system being perfect. The exam is widely criticised for putting impossible pressures on children. Dissatisfaction with the gaokao is one reason that, among wealthier segments of the population, large numbers of students are choosing to study abroad. But, ultimately, most people support it, or at least see no alternative. “China has too many people,” is a common refrain, used to excuse everything from urban traffic to rural poverty. Given the intense competition for finite higher education resources, the argument goes, there has to be some way to separate the wheat from the chaff, and to give hardworking students from poorer backgrounds a chance to rise to the top.

The tradition of a single exam that decides a young person’s prospects is one that goes back to antiquity in China. The imperial examinations or keju, which tested applicants for government office, was introduced in the Han dynasty (206BC to AD220), and became the sole criterion for selection from the 7th century until its abolition in 1905. Aspiring bureaucrats sat a three-day exam locked inside a single cell, in which they also slept and ate. The “eight-legged essay” was the most important paper, an argument in eight sections that elaborated on a theme while quoting from classics such as Confucius and Mencius. All applicants were checked for hidden scrolls writing quotes on underwear was a popular form of cheating until examiners cottoned on. The pass rate was 1%. Nervous collapses were routine. There is even a ghost-deity associated with exams in China: Zhong Kui, a scholar who killed himself when he was denied first place.

While not a direct descendant, the gaokao is generally considered a distant relation of the keju. First instituted in 1952 under the new Communist government, the gaokao was suspended during the cultural revolution. Most universities were closed, and remaining college places were assigned according to political background rather than academic ability. It was only in 1977, the year after Mao’s death, that the gaokao resumed in its modern form. The first sitting was open to generations who had been deprived of the chance to pursue higher education – 5.7 million people enrolled, competing for just 220,000 university seats. Since 1978, it has been held every summer.

The gaokao is made up of four three-hour papers: Chinese, English, maths and a choice of either sciences (biology, chemistry, physics) or humanities (geography, history, politics). The questions are mostly multiple-choice or fill-in-the-gap, and are notoriously hard – the maths paper has been compared to university-level maths in the UK. But for many students, the most intimidating element is the essay in the Chinese exam. Students are given an hour to write on one of two prompts, which are often infuriatingly elliptical. Prompts in 2015 included “Do butterfly wings have colours?” and “Who do you admire the most? A biotechnology researcher, a welding engineering technician or a photographer?”. This summer, Yuan Qi’s choice was between “Old accent” and “Mysterious bookmark”. (He picked old accent.)

It is no surprise that, for many students, the pressure heaped on them by parents, teachers and themselves, is overwhelming. It is possible to retake the exam one year later, but if a student continues to fail there is no safety net or alternative path to university. Suicides are a regular feature of every exam season a 2014 study claimed that exam stress was a contributing factor in 93% of cases in which school students took their own lives. Last year, a middle school in Hebei province fenced off its upper-floor dormitory balconies with grates, after two students jumped to their deaths in the months leading up to the gaokao. And the academic stress starts early – in July a 10-year-old boy tried to kill himself in oncoming traffic after fighting with his mother about homework. But still the study mill grinds on.

Yuan Qi in his bedroom at his parents’ apartment in Beijing. Photograph: Gilles Sabrié/The Guardian

In April, two months before the exam, the campus of Yuan Qi’s school was deceptively tranquil. A tree-lined boulevard led up to Beijing 101’s front entrance, where two guards with truncheons watched over the security gate. Inside, the school buildings glistened in the sun, surrounded by spacious sports grounds and a lake with a goose house and lotus flowers. Students walked around in colour-coded slacks that, like all school uniforms in China, more closely resembled pyjamas: dark blue for year 11, mauve and white for year 12, purple for year 13. The school nestles into the west flank of Beijing’s old Summer Palace – once the relaxation grounds of Qing dynasty emperors – and a back gate connects directly to the garden ruins. Founded in 1946, Beijing 101 was initially set up to educate the children of China’s top officials, and it still has many such students among its ranks.

It was an accomplishment for Yuan Qi to even be there. At his local primary school in Hebei province, there had been 70 to 80 children in each class. The school’s football pitch was never used, as none of the teachers knew the rules. Yuan Qi’s residency papers, or hukou, dictated that he should have stayed in Hebei for middle school, but his father used his connections in the People’s Liberation Army and arranged a transfer to Beijing, with a new hukou. Once there, Yuan Qi enrolled in a better middle school and, thanks to a good performance in the zhongkao – the entrance exam for high school – got into Beijing 101 at the age of 16. Yuan Qi was now one step closer to securing his future at the college he dreamed of attending.

Just a hundred metres down the road from Beijing 101, in the heart of the city’s university district, lies Peking University (or Beida, as it’s known in China). With its illustrious history, roll call of famous alumni and romantic campus dotted with lakes and stone bridges, Beida is the Chinese equivalent of Oxford or Cambridge. Ever since his parents first told him about it as a child, Yuan Qi had always dreamed of going there to study maths. His parents and teachers were encouraging, but even their expectations, he told me, were nothing like the pressure he put on himself.

“In middle school I realised that primary school was easy,” he said. “And in high school I realised that middle school was easy.” At Beijing 101, classes had just 20 to 30 students, but the work was twice as intensive as before. As Yuan Qi’s grades were good, he was put into one of four “experimental classes” in his year, which went at an even faster pace. And on top of his regular subjects, like all Chinese students, he also took two hours of politics class each week. They included the compulsory modules of Mao Zedong thought and Deng Xiaoping economic theory, which were introduced in 1991 as part of a patriotic education campaign. I ordered online one of the politics textbooks that Yuan Qi would be studying from. It was titled Integrity of Thought, and a typical page featured a cartoon of three boys sitting around a table discussing the latest government initiatives (as one does), with an accompanying discussion question for students: “What are the everyday applications of these laws?”

The routine at Beijing 101 is punishing. At 6.30am Yuan Qi was out of his dorm bed, and he was in the canteen for breakfast by 6.50. At 7.20 came half an hour of self-study reading time. From 8am he had five 40-minute classes, broken by a half an hour of group calisthenics in the yard – a thousand students doing jumping jacks in unison – or running around the grounds. Another three afternoon classes were interrupted by five minutes of eye exercises, during which students massaged their tired brows while a recorded track told them to rub behind their ears and press their temples. School broke at 4.05pm, but there was still another three or four hours of homework to be completed before bed.

As summer arrived, the pace picked up for Yuan Qi and his classmates. Almost all classes were now spent looking at past gaokao papers in methodical detail. After school, there were two extra hours of mock exams every day, on top of the homework, and five additional classes on Saturday. On Sundays, Yuan Qi’s parents had arranged private tuition for him in English and Chinese. His only relaxation was playing computer games, but whereas in middle school he had enjoyed complex online roleplayers, now he only had time for smartphone apps.

When I visited Beijing 101, the scene was not as disciplined as I had expected. School pupils in China are kids, after all, not robots – they goof around, joke, talk over each other. At the front gate as I waited to be let in, three boys were lifting up a fourth, giving him a wedgie. Inside was a bulletin board listing extra-curricular activities, from drama to traditional crosstalk comedy performances. A corrugated steel fence next to a basketball court was covered in graffiti, albeit sanctioned by the teachers and expletive-free: V for Vendetta an alien face with the words “Once I was normal” “Big Brother is Watching You”, with one of the letters replaced with a swastika. But in class the students quietened down, listened carefully and took notes. In years of reporting in China, I have never heard a single student grumble about their workload. To them, it is simply normal.

The campus of Beijing University (Beida), one of China’s top universities. Photograph: Gilles Sabrié/The Guardian

I sat in on one of Yuan Qi’s maths classes while the teacher – a tough but kindly woman with a strong Beijing accent – walked through exam-paper equations that left me feeling like a dunce. Yuan Qi followed along at his white plastic desk, where sheets covered in intricate geometrical squiggles were sprawled out next to his pencil case and a roll of toilet paper for blowing his nose. At the back of the classroom, a cartoon of Xi Jinping was drawn in coloured chalk on the blackboard next to the words “Wishing you a successful exam” and a reminder: “46 days”. This countdown is a national obsession. If you search for “gaokao” on Baidu, China’s largest search engine, in the months leading up to the exam, an image appears at the top of the results page, with a clock counting down to the start of the exam, next to a cartoon of a schoolgirl riding a flying book.

Before Yuan Qi knew it, the countdown was at 30 days. 15. Ten. Five. With just three days left, on 4 June – while the rest of Beijing either forgot or ignored the 27th anniversary of the Tiananmen Square massacre – Beijing 101 held a big pre-exam event in the main lecture hall: part pep talk, part rules refresher. Yuan Qi and his friends joked among themselves, half-listening while the headteacher went through the exam drill in excruciating detail, from how students should register with their IDs to what to do if they needed extra paper. At the end, all the teachers lined up and waved at their pupils from under a PowerPoint slide that read: “We have already done abundant preparation! Wishing you every success! Awaiting the good news!”

With that, 12 years of primary and secondary education were finished. The climax of it all was in sight. Yuan Qi went home, and got his head straight for the first paper.

In China, the gaokao is sometimes described as a dumuqiao, which translates as “single-log bridge” – a difficult path that everyone has to walk. But some have better shoes than others. Rich families lay on extra tutoring for their children in what Jiang Xueqin, a Canadian-Chinese education scholar, described as an “arms race” among households looking to increase their child’s chances. Provinces with larger populations have tougher standards of entry into the best universities, while those that are sparsely populated set a lower bar. (This loophole has led to illegal “gaokao migrants” transferring to schools in Inner Mongolia just before the exam.) Students in Beijing and Shanghai get special privileges – they are the beneficiaries of generous local quotas for the best universities – despite being more likely to be privileged anyway.

“Scores are highly correlated with socioeconomic status,” Trey Menefee, a lecturer at the Hong Kong Institute of Education, told me. I asked if he considered the exam meritocratic. “I don’t,” he replied, “but almost every Chinese person does … Or it’s meritocratic only because it’s equally bad for everyone.”

There has been talk of reforming the gaokao for as long as it has existed, but little ever comes of it. The major concession in the early 2000s was to allow separate provinces to draft their own exam papers. This year, top universities trialled interviews with students who show special promise at school. Those who impress may be awarded extra points, which are added to their final exam score. Many students and their families have also called for the English paper – a stumbling block for many without access to private tuition – to be made optional.

Students revise for the gaokao in Jiaxing, China. Photograph: VCG/VCG via Getty Images

Meanwhile, relatively small changes can meet fierce resistance. In May, the government announced that a quota of 80,000 university places in Jiangsu and Hubei provinces would be reserved for students from poorer regions, in an effort to address provincial inequality. But mobs of middle-class parents took to the streets in six cities to protest against the measures, fearful that positive discrimination in favour of poorer families meant their own children would lose out. “The gaokao isn’t for everyone,” Jiang Xueqin told me. “It’s for the middle class.”

When it comes to more comprehensive reform, the general consensus among education scholars in China is that any alternative would be too easily manipulated by the rich. Were coursework or regular school marks to be taken into account alongside exam grades, bribery would be even more rampant than it already is (parents often give “red packages” stuffed with banknotes to teachers in return for special attention for their child in class, or simply a seat nearer the front). The same goes for direct university admission. And so, futures are still decided by how well each child performs at a cramped desk in a closed room for two days in early June.


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Izohlar:

  1. Baucis

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  2. Russ

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  4. Ilhuitl

    I find you have misled.

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  6. Cullin

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